IN SUPPORT OF OUR COMPANY AND ALL OF THE MOVEMENT AGAINST ICE ENFORCEMENT AGAINST ANY
These days, the repression is hitting those who are fighting for the closure of Cie. In fact, at dawn on 13 January in Rome, are taken by a search of Digos in the house of four people accused for of written against Cie and the Red Cross. At the same time, one of the editors This radio has been imposed a fine (up to 5,000 €). The sanction relates to the day of 13 March 2010 when, during a joint garrison outside the walls of the Cie of Ponte Galeria, a revolt broke out in the cages and inmates climbed on the roof and shouted their anger. Security forces have responded with a series of violent charges, such as in front of solidarity and solidarity reacted with blocking the train tracks that runs alongside the Cie, connecting the center of Rome to Fiumicino airport. In this action was followed by a spontaneous march to the city to communicate what had happened. On that day, our editor was there as always is Radiondarossa, giving voice to the struggles that move in this city and are hard to find space on other media.
initiatives against Cie Ponte Galeria saw the participation of a large part of active citizenship, including people who previously were unaware of the existence of a place where people are detained only because they do not have a residence permit, a document related to the employment contract and therefore exploitation. This is due precisely to the job of communication and information that clearly at this time and it bothers you want to suppress.
RadiOndaRossa expresses its solidarity with those who are active and is in solidarity with the struggles against racism and migrants, in and out of Cie, struggles that continue to tell through our microphones directly from and in places of conflict.
Subtitle: the enemy of my enemy is not always my friend.
AFP PHOTO / MOHAMMED ABED
The Arab world burns. On December 17 the revolt broke out in Tunisia: Mohammed Bouaziz is seized the fruit and vegetables because - they say the police - there is no la licenza. Seguono proteste da parte del giovane 26enne e relative percosse da parte delle forze dell'ordine. Il 4 gennaio 2011 Mohamed muore in seguito alle ustioni riportate per aver protestato dandosi fuoco. È l'inizio della rivolta: i tunisini si riversano in strada, e da quel momento la c.d. “rivolta per il pane” diverrà la miccia che incendia gran parte del mondo arabo: dopo la Tunisia ad essere investite dalle proteste saranno l'Algeria (8 gennaio), la Giordania (13 gennaio), il Marocco, lo Yemen, la Mauritania (16 gennaio) e l'Egitto (18 gennaio).
Si protesta per quel che si protesta in tutto il mondo: inflazione galoppante, disoccupazione, aumento dei prezzi dei generi alimentari e degli rents. The police, every time, took to the streets to do its duty to defend - with repression - the system that passes the salary. Hundreds dead and an unknown number of wounded. The revolt, however, seems to loom even as anti-authoritarian revolt, especially in situations such as Tunisia, where the former President Zine El-Abidine Ben Ali has remained in office for 23 years (and particularly when the Protests continued when you tried to recreate the "system Ben Ali" without Ben Ali) or Egypt, where Hosni Mubarak in power for 30 years exactly. The face of the protests, meanwhile, is expanding by tapping a few hours to Albania and l'Italia. O meglio: in Italia si spera che ci sia qualcuno disposto a scendere in piazza per protestare. Non lo faremo per i problemi reali quali – vado a memoria – il lavoro che scarseggia o per il quale vengono riviste le regole (leggasi alla voce “modello Marchionne”) per non parlare di quella strage quotidiana degli omicidi sul posto di lavoro (le c.d. “morti bianche”). Non scendiamo in piazza in solidarietà a tutte quelle persone che quotidianamente perdono la propria abitazione perché – anche per effetto del lavoro che sempre più diventa nuovo sfruttamento – non hanno i soldi per pagare affitti sempre più alti (non entriamo poi nella casistica degli affitti agli studenti fuori sede), the less we do to denounce as the right to study a phenomenon class is coming back already now closed to those who can not afford high tuition fees and books are often more useful to the publishers not to teaching.
No. We do not take to the streets of Tunisian rivals or the Egyptians. Italy has been called to the streets to defend the judiciary!
do not know what effect on you this video, but to me the idea to the streets to defend the judiciary puts the shivers. Before being accused of being "organic" to the Berlusconi - given that in this period if you dare to say something different from anti-Berlusconi're automatically "pro-" - I want to clarify that it does not make me shudder because I think the theory-Cicchitto of "judicial coup". But what seems increasingly clear is the delegation - total - that the so-called "parliamentary opposition" entrusted to the judiciary, mindful of what was the "piano-Craxi": unable to plan even the idea of \u200b\u200bsociety (just look at the total adoption of the "Marchionne plan" and the consequent absence - also the total - an alternative plan) the ruling class relies on anti-Berlusconi again codes and laws to bring down the regime. But the "regime" is another thing: the "system" today is that the party system of parliamentary opposition - at least at the level of national leadership - is none other than the center-left wing of the system the competitive one-party where we are. I make my own the words of Professor Domenico Losurdo that defines the character of this system in an interview with "L'Ernesto" (find the full version here: http://www.lernesto.it/index.aspx?m=77 & f = 2 & IDArticolo = 19905):
(...) In conclusion. During the twentieth century has developed a giant three-pronged process of emancipation, which began with the October Revolution and the struggle against war and the carnage of the First World War. All this is now forgotten and removed to the point that the dominant ideology today, the history of communism became the horror story. The paradox is that this gigantic manipulation has not participated in only the right as such, it has also provided its good contribution Fausto Bertinotti, which Vendola is the heir and disciple. No doubt, he has undertaken in an attempt to erase the historical memory of the huge and varied process of emancipation resulted from October revolution: of this great chapter of history, he drew a picture that is not very different from that path and ideology by the ruling class. It came so to be a culture, or rather an 'ignorance', which is of great help to the existing order. How about a more strictly political, is also on the ideological work that I (always in the book Democracy or Bonapartism mo) I have called the scheme "one-party competitive." We see the work that a single party, in different ways, refer to the same ruling class, the monopoly bourgeoisie. Of course, do not miss the moment of electoral competition, but it is a competition between political classes, each of which seeks to achieve its ambitions of short breath, without putting in any discussion mdo in the strategic framework, the cultural orientation and social class background of reference, namely the bourgeoisie monopoly: what can not argue either. This is the position in which we find ourselves: the one-party Competitive. The cancellation of the proportional system has favored consolidation. (...)
Michele Santoro, in the video presentation of "Come on Judges" (according to - according to me guessed at least in terms of "marketability" - title of the newspaper "Times" today) pone comunque una domanda che merita di essere ripresa. Intorno al terzo minuto si chiede se si possa dire con sicurezza se magistratura, polizia, servizi segreti in questo momento non siano usati per attaccare chi non è il vero avversario del premier. È una domanda interessante per almeno un paio di motivi: innanzitutto perché la stessa cosa si potrebbe chiedere rigirando la domanda, cioè chiedendosi se – ai tempi in cui a governare non era Berlusconi (per cui si dovrebbe iniziare l'analisi dai tempi della malaunità d'Italia) – la stessa cosa non sia stata fatta anche da governi di colore diverso, magari in forma meno evidente e mediatizzata. Ma questo, naturalmente, rimarrà quesito senza risposta.
The second interesting aspect of this question is naive - of course pretend innocence - of those who are "offended" by the political presence in the Superior Council of Magistracy, as if this was a last-minute news. Santoro forgets that perhaps a third of the Council members is elected by Parliament sitting in joint session. Translated for non-industry professionals: they are names on which there is a convergence between government and opposition. So are the characters - the caliber of which also depends on the general caliber of humus in which he goes fishing - which are good and those who speak of "red robes" to anyone who is always blissful However the work.
that brings us to the opening caption: The enemy of my enemy is not always my friend. Why area of \u200b\u200bconvergence between the left and the judiciary in the name of anti-Berlusconi, or at least, as noted above, the attempt to use the so-called left the judiciary as lifesaver (or against Berlusconi for the safety of your armchair, then, is dichotomy almost inaudible ...) looks just like that old saying, that for which it is justified - in order to achieve a certain goal - operations that could not be justified, like the old fashioned left-wing extra-parliamentary electoral cartels to create virtually con chiunque pur di tornare in Parlamento. Scrive Daniele Sepe su “Il Manifesto” del 6 giugno 2010:
La questione è stata posta qualche mese fa da alcuni interventi pubblicati su questo giornale nel dibattito sul «fenomeno» Saviano ma si è subito esaurita. Eppure il sasso lanciato non era di poco conto: «Ma cosa è successo alla sinistra radicale in Italia? Sono io che ho perso la bussola o sono altri che si sono dimenticati per strada un poco di concetti che ci accompagnavano nell’analisi della società? Ad esempio la magistratura, le forze dell’ordine, l’apparato repressivo dello stato sono oggi nostri alleati nella lotta contro il Capitale? Io ricordavo altre cose. Ma la legalità, le leggi cosa sono se non un sistema di regole che serve a proteggere il più forte dal più debole? Non sono promulgate dallo stesso stato che l’istante dopo accusiamo di essere classista, liberticida, guerrafondaio e repressivo? No, sembra da quello che sto leggendo oggi che sono io che mi sbaglio» (così Daniele Sepe sul manifesto il 6 giugno 2010).
Sarebbe a mio modo di vedere buon esercizio chiedersi poi di quale magistratura stiamo parlando: perché – tralasciando gli aspetti (conflitto di interessi?) per i quali Santoro va in onda proprio grazie ad una sentenza di quella magistratura che il 13 febbraio ci chiede di difendere – bisogna capire se quella che vorrebbero difendere è la magistratura tout court or only the "anti-Berlusconi". In the latter case, of course you should admit the existence of a judiciary "good" and "bad" and then, ultimately, plead the cause of "red robes" who play politics with the law against Berlusconi.
In both cases, however, there is nothing to defend. Why defend if the second type of judiciary we become a bit 'all over Berlusconi (and here I am reminded of the Gaber "Berlusconi not fear itself, fear in me Berlusconi"). If we defend the first version - that the judiciary as a whole - then we must also defend kind of a judiciary that has made it possible, for example, that impose any twenty-four years imprisonment to a person with twenty years of delay, so judging a person completely different from that twenty years ago he (the conditional is a must to light shadows on the process ...) committed the crime. Here you could open a discussion about when justice is really justice, and when it turns into revenge, especially in a country from justicialism easy as in recent years, is becoming ours. Or should we defend the judiciary to impose two years in prison for a case of homonymy or just a case of mistaken identity. Not to mention the judiciary, in the land of the arbitrator good and evil (to quote Fabrizio De André) imposes three years' imprisonment for theft of € 1.29, or two years and eight months to a man guilty of having stolen 74enne "even" a pound of ham (note that - for example - were given three years and six months to the killers of six years and Federico Aldrovani Spaccarotella Louis, who did the shooting from one side of the motorway with the life of Gabriele Sandri). is this, I wonder, the judiciary, which we are told to defend?
We know that from the seventies onwards (with a massive escalation in the last period) we have witnessed a veritable anthropological mutation of the Italian left, that in addition to adding the centrist drift in name and in the modus operandi is now suffering from the disease that responds to the name of justicialism by which anyone is a rash to think that one of the leaders of the "new" left is a former PM, when only a few decades ago such a thing was unthinkable ... What has happened since then, I believe, can not be justified only with the identification of anti-Berlusconi.
arrive to conclusions. We come, then, the comic aspects of the whole affair. You see comedian the anxiety of the parliamentary opposition to the request made to the resignation of Prime Minister (with a "petition" circles ...). It's funny because he never saw the resignation request and wait until resigning to take any cabin and puppets, and of his own free will, rises from the box (obviously is a demand for "democratic"). has not been seen for a simple reason: when a man approaches the power and benefits from it (so that speech involves not only the current prime minister, but all and all those who accept this type of system), why should private? So it is with the etiquette and the "little prayer" you will get the desired effect. Sure, you might think, or maybe you should, to the correctness or otherwise of a system in which power is maintained by a small group of people, therefore, is in a position hierarchically superior to the majority of the population (so we are talking about democracy or totalitarian regimes more or less representative does not matter). But this, of course, is another story ...
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sum obtained with a loan INPDAP FOR MARRIAGE INPDAP The maximum amount you paid for this type of loan is € 15,000 , but this amount can vary if there are any other outstanding loans because it will be refunded with the deduction of net salary or net pension .
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an interview Friday as many - fotoracconto from Palestine (from FreePalestine) and stored
A New Year, a delegation of FreePalestine visited the Occupied Territories. This is their (photo) story.
Siamo partit* in quattro di Free Palestine Roma ma all’aereoporto di Tel Aviv due di noi sono stati fermati e successivamente rimpatriati con un’espulsione per 5 anni. L’arbitrarietà e l’arroganza con cui questo è avvenuto sono tipici di Israele. La motivazione è stata che una dei due era stata già stata espulsa in aprile (cosa non vera perchè era stata fermata a casa di una signora sotto sgombero, ma aveva ricevuto solo un’ammonizione a stare fuori da quella zona per una settimana ma non un’espulsione) e per lui perchè viaggiavano insieme.
Con una buona dose di incazzatura siamo arrivate nella casa rimasta tagliata fuori dal muro che in quel punto separa la zona di Betlemme da quella di Gerusalemme, tutta la vita degli abitanto di questa casa la famiglia, il lavoro, sono al di là del check point. Questo chech point in 10 gg l’abbiamo passato tantissime volte, mettendoci ore o minuti a discrezione del soldato di guardia. Da una parte si esce a piedi e da una parte in macchina.
Dopo le 10 di sera, dalla parte pedonale, quasi sempre la guardia fa finta di non esserci, così aspetti un’ora chiamando inutilmente before anyone decides to press the button that opens the first turnstile and 'access to the metal detector, where you lose at least another 10 minutes because it continues to play and you no longer know what the fuck you take off .. The Palestinians must put your hand in a gabietta and their face appears on the monitor of the guard, we just show your passport, we put on cursing and leave the other side.
The center Amal Mustakbal the Aida Camp works fine in the morning there is a school for children up to three years, the afternoon classes of Dabke (the dance traditional dancing for all ages) and English for the larger ones. With the money collected in Italy are doing a lot renovation and retrofitting, we pay our bills, we try to give a refund to the volunteers who work there. Together we have 2 children murals
Radio united voice came from a few months Deisheh Camp. We work mates with many years of prison behind him. Their idea is to make a radio of all, far from the influences of the parties, but closer to the needs of the Palestinians. And what makes a cultural contribution Palestine today that instead sees more and more religion in the only answers to many questions disregarded. Every Friday in many villages of Palestine committees organize events and non-violent resistance actions against the wall that isolates them and fragmented. Bil'in, 800 people, a piece of clay and olive trees, stones, a network as long as the horizon, behind this a dirt road on which to spend only military means, a few more hundred meters and the wall itself. Then back again, on top of a quarry the colony of Kiryat Sefer.
Friday December 31 is also the sixth anniversary of the Committee of the village of Bil'in, the event is expected to more participatory, the companions are arranged to cut the network with cutters. On the road between Ramallah and other villages in Bilin, check a checkpoint, a checkpoint steering wheel with lots of spikes in the road to prevent passage. Our taxi was stopped. We are three Italian and one Palestinian with a beret green paper (that you can move quite freely within the territories). Twenties with a machine gun much bigger than he says the area is closed for 2 or 3 hours. Not explanations and do not listen to reason. Let's try the other way, the same scene. No parade for us.
La manifestazione si è fatta però, con 800 persone, la rete è stata tagliata in alcuni punti. L’esercito ha reagito con lacrimogeni, bombe sonore e gas. A causa delle inalazioni due giorni dopo morirà Jawaher Abu Rahmah, sorella di Bassem, diventato un po’ il simbolo della resistenza di Bil’in, ucciso 2 anni fa da un lacrimogeno ad altà velocità. Siamo state a Bil’in qualche giorno dopo a portare la nostra solidarietà e abbiamo deciso di tornarci per il corteo del venerdì successivo
the Balata refugee camp has always been particularly marked by suffering and numerous military incursions that have been in years, has a large number of dead killed in Israeli hands for many children . We met volunteers Happy child wood club with them and we imagined the possibility of return. Nablus is one of the most beautiful and welcoming city of Palestine. We always recommend a visit to this city from above surrounded by increasingly resistant colonies. On the road between Nablus and Balata Palestinian Authority is building one of the largest prisons che la storia della Palestina ricorsi. Questo per rendervi l’idea di cosa si respira oggi in quella terra repressa anche da questo. Silwan è un quartiere palestinese di Gerusalemme Est dove ogni giorno ci sono sgomberi e demolizioni per insediare nuove famiglie di israeliani, poi costrette a vivere sotto scorta sotto lo sguardo giustamente ostile dei residenti. Abbiamo incontrato il comitato, che tra i molti problemi ha denunciato una fortissima repressione soprattutto verso i ragazzini che cercano di contrastare l’occupazione.
Abbiamo deciso di tornare a Bil’in il primo venerdi del new year. The community is very small and revolves around two families. They are all very friendly and nice. And they smile and joke despite the brutality to which they are forced existential. We sing hello beautiful, dance, eat the most delicious falafel in the entire trip. At the parade there is a lot of people, there are the women's committees of several village and town. It always comes up as the network is cut in places. Then the tear gas, stun bombs, the iron balls raining from the sky as big as changing the direction of a handful that give off gas, and a fire hydrant all white that shoots hundreds of feet foul-smelling liquid that is immediately vomit, liquid which was then proved to be water sewage spiked with chemicals. On a Friday like any other in the last 6 years in Bil'in.
Excluding: Chronicles from the Roma camp in Via Exhibition, Rome
These are some excerpts from the report, "Excluded and stored ", a search on the CD "Nomad Plan" carries on "21 July "with particular reference to the field of Salone way to Rome where, thanks to the racist policies of the City - which still fit within the well-known racist tendencies of the whole country - associated with the complete ignorance about what the world is Romany creating a small lab of (dis) integration useful only to legitimate social repression and well-known stereotypes.
I think it's interesting to read not only because it is one of the rare occasions when - to use one of the classic slogan - it gives "voice to the voiceless", but also because we realize that those same instances claiming (rights, home , education, work ...) are exactly the same instances for which we fight and we go down the streets every day. Why must we continue to keep in mind that the duties are covered even if they are granted and the rights,
Excluded and stored
Research report on the status of Roma children facilities in the village street in Rome's Salone
policy and regulatory framework
[1]. On May 21, 2008, the President of the Council of Ministers, Silvio Berlusconi, after the attacks took place against the inhabitants of some Roma settlements in Ponticelli (Napoli) 2 , issued the declaration called DPCM state of emergency in on settlements of nomad communities in the regions of Campania, Lazio and Lombardy 3. On May 30, 2008, the Prime Minister has also issued three orders for the implementation of the decree in the regions of Lombardy, Lazio and Campania 4 with which the prefect of Milan, Rome and Naples have been appointed "Deputy Commissioner for the implementation of all actions necessary to overcome the state of emergency ' .
[2]. Under the decree of May 21, 2008 the state of emergency would be to run until May 31, 2009. On May 28, 2009 was issued another decree of the President of the Council of Ministers, which has extended a state of emergency on 31 December 2010, extending even to the regions of Piedmont and Veneto 5. In addition, on 1 June 2009 have been issued other two orders for implementation of the emergency decree in which the prefects of the city of Turin and Venice have been appointed "Deputy Commissioner for the implementation of all actions necessary to overcome the state of emergency 'for the regions of Piedmont and Veneto 6 .
[3]. According to the text of the measure, the declaration of emergency rule would be necessary for the 'CREATED extremely critical "because of" irregular presence of several non-EU citizens and nomads who have settled permanently in urban areas [and] considered that these settlements, because of their extreme precarietà, hanno determinato una situazione di grave allarme sociale, con possibili gravi ripercussioni in termini di ordine pubblico e sicurezza per le popolazioni locali […] che mettono in serio pericolo l’ordine e la sicurezza pubblica […]» 7 . Sempre secondo il testo della dichiarazione «[...] la predetta situazione, che coinvolge vari livelli di governo territoriale, per intensità ed estensione, non è fronteggiabile con gli strumenti previsti dalla normativa ordinaria» 8 .
[5]. Il primo intervento organizzato a seguito della dichiarazione dello stato di emergenza è stato il census conducted in 2008 involving the Roma and Sinti population of formal and informal settlements in Naples, Rome and Milan. The operations were carried out with the use of police force and - limited to the territories of Rome and Naples - with the participation of the Red Cross. Between January and April 2009 in Rome a second survey was carried out in the fields of formal and informal. The operations conducted by the army and police forces, have led to searches of homes and forced evictions 10.
[6]. The surveys and the collection of fingerprints of some inhabitants of the camps have led to criticism from Parliament Europe in July 2008 adopted a resolution on the census on ethnic Roma in Italy in which it expressed concern at the affirmation contained in the decrees of the government "that the presence of Roma camps around large cities in itself a serious social emergency with repercussions for public order and security to justify the declaration of emergency rule " 11. In addition, a delegation of MEPs visited Italy in autumn 2008 to determine how to conduct the survey.
[8]. In July 2008, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) has carried out an investigative mission in Italy, visiting the Roma camps in Milan, Rome and Naples. In its report in April 2009, the OSCE noted that "the measures taken by the government, starting with the declaration of emergency rule [is] disproportionate to the actual scope of security threats linked to immigration and situation of Roma and Sinti settlements. In addition, the delegation expressed its concern that measures taken, which actually have to target a particular community, ie the Roma and Sinti (also called "nomads"), along with the incendiary and alarmist news often spread by the media and statements of known and influential political leaders, fueling the anti-Roma prejudice in all sectors of society and contribute to the stigmatization of the Roma and Sinti communities in Italy »14 .
[9]. On 18 February 2009 entered into force on the Regulations on the management of the villages facilities for nomadic communities in the Region, signed by the prefect commissioner. These are some provisions of the new regulation: external and internal supervision (there will be a garrison fixed) and the possible use of cameras, identification of persons entering the field, including the residents and the issuance to minors an identification card with photos and personal details, the ban on entry and parking for motor vehicles and motorcycles; permission for residence will have a maximum duration of two years renewable, and will be released by the Department of Welfare of the City of Rome, the people from third countries should be allowed to stay or will need to demonstrate their stay in Italy for a period exceeding 10 years, the payment of rent and utilities. The regulation provides that the permission to reside in the area is withdrawn to those who do not comply with the duties outlined above, those who leave the facility for more than three months without permission, those who repeatedly refuse entry lavorativo, a coloro che con il loro comportamento provocano «concrete minacce di turbamento alla sicura e civile convivenza».
[11]. Il Piano Nomadi che interessa la città di Roma è stato presentato dal prefetto di Roma, Giuseppe Pecoraro, in qualità di commissario straordinario per l’emergenza nomadi nel Lazio e dal sindaco di Roma, Gianni Alemanno, il 31 luglio 2009 presso il «villaggio attrezzato» di via di Salone 18 . Il ministero dell'Interno ha messo a disposizione la somma di 19,5 milioni di euro per la realizzazione del Piano 19 . Secondo il documento, questa è la situazione delle comunità of Roma in Rome, attended by more than 80 settlements, 14 fields of tolerance and 7 'villages authorized' estimated 2200 people in informal settlements, in 2736 as "tolerance" in 2241 and "villages equipped." Persons belonging to Roma and Sinti communities in 7177 were more than 100 settlements in the municipality. The Plan provides for a total of 13 "authorized villages" (A new village, new village B, Living Gordiani, River Camping, Candoni, Castel Romano, Cesar, Lombroso, Ortolani, Salviati, Barbie, transit facilities) with the possibility to accommodate a maximum of 6,000 Roma and Sinti. The document seems to indicate a limit on attendance. The Plan by June 2010 foresaw the permanent closure of three fields: Casilino 900, Tor de Cenci, martens, considered abusive. In September 2010 only fields Casilino 900 and are only partially martens have been evacuated.
[13]. Since November 2009, the administrative authorities of the City of Rome, according to the prefect commissioner, started the procedures for issuing the DAST card (authorized documents for the temporary station) - required the residents to reside in the settlements approved - whether the request for international protection of the Roma in the camps and exhibition Casilino 900, needed to regularize their status in order to issue - those conditions - a residence permit on humanitarian grounds. The findings dattisloscopici and photographs have been used in both procedures and covered all the inhabitants of the two fields, not only de facto stateless persons, but also those who were already in possession of an identification document and Roma Italian citizens.
[16]. On 11 March 2010, the international organization committed to defending human rights, Amnesty International, presented a report entitled The wrong answer, which is critically analyzed the content of the Plan Nomads. According to Amnesty International the plan violates the housing rights of Roma because it involves forced evictions, destruction of settlements and the transfer of persons in 'only 13 camps located in the outskirts of Rome. [...] Instead of offering the Roma access to adequate housing, the authorities are removing them by transferring them to distant fields. This further increases the obstacles and discrimination against the Roma they face in finding a regular job that would allow them to access the private housing market. [...] The plan is called "Plan Nomads." But most of the Roma that will be affected is not nomadic. Labeling them and treating them as nomads, who devised the plan is perpetuating the same problems that sustains to address. [...] Amnesty International believes that in its current form, the "Nomad Plan" does not comply with Italy's obligations to ensure that there is no discrimination against specific groups or segregation in housing. "
history and composition of the "village equipped" Street Fair 27
[24]. Since the camp was equipped until 2008, according to information collected by the July 21, and taking into account the number of people present at that time, the viabilità di accesso all’area, i presidi antincendio, le vie di esodo erano compatibili con le norme in materia di gestione delle emergenze e del pericolo incendi. Dal 2008, al servizio di guardiania gestito da un'associazione del terzo settore, si è aggiunto quello di sorveglianza svolto da due società di vigilanza privata. Il personale armato si divide i compiti di sorveglianza, tramite i monitor collegati alle videocamere, e di controllo interno al campo con l’utilizzo della macchina di servizio.
[25]. Secondo quanto affermato dal rappresentante di un’associazione che gestisce un progetto all’interno dell’insediamento 32 Between 2006 and 2008 was in force a regulation signed by the camp residents, police and municipal associations. In addition, during the same period, was created a "Management Committee" which included also two representatives from each of the communities living in the settlement. This direct involvement has led to the achievement of certain results, judged positively by the representatives of associations: maintaining good structural condition of the field, women's active participation in social life, good living conditions of children living within the "village" 33 .
[26]. Dal 2006 al momento della stesura di questo rapporto il campo ha, tuttavia, visto aumentare in modo significativo il numero dei propri ospiti provenienti da altri insediamenti sgomberati. Nel 2008 gli ospiti accolti risultavano essere circa 700 - inclusi 210 minori in età scolare, tutti iscritti alla scuola dell’obbligo con una frequenza che raggiungeva circa il 96% degli alunni34. Nel novembre del 2009 sono state trasferite a via di Salone 10 famiglie provenienti dall’insediamento di via Dameta; nel febbraio 2010 circa 200 persone provenienti dal campo Casilino 900; nel luglio 2010 circa 50 persone (7 famiglie) sgomberate dal campo di via La Martora. A causa di questi trasferimenti i tre spazi dove si svolgevano le attività di socializzazione houses were occupied by container made available to newcomers. Previously these areas were used by associations and Roma for the organization of festivals: the Giurgevdan, Christmas and the celebration of the day for the Rights of the Child of 20 November. At the time of writing the report turn out to be 97,835 inhabitants, to which we must add an estimate of 10% more people not formally authorized. This brings us to a number of admissions of about 1076 inhabitants distributed in 198-container houses 36.
[27]. Observers have pointed out that respondents favored an increase in population the field and the progressive deterioration of the structural conditions of the settlement are behaving serious problems concerning the situation of sanitation and safety of inhabitants: increase of material disposed of by landfill does not present near the entrance to the field, uncontrolled opening of gates in the fence ; presence of many stray dogs; continuous fights between Roma belonging to different communities, increased crime and deviant behavior (prostitution, drug dealing). In addition, if the first of the progressive increase of population, households pay a contribution of between 20 and 30% of the cost of utilities (the remainder was paid by the City of Rome), at the time the the payment of this search was suspended for all inhabitants. The city administration, in fact, granted the new arrivals and the free use of utilities to avoid inequality of treatment and possible disagreements between new and old residents, ordered the suspension of payment for all.
[28]. During the course of the research was ongoing in the field of Salone via the release by the municipal offices of the card DAST, accompanied by a document called the Deed of Commitment and a copy of the Regulations for the management of villages equipped. The documents were withdrawn from those who, according to the Implementing Body 37 had the necessary requirements for obtaining permission to stay within the "village facilities."
[29]. Every inhabitant, simultaneously obtaining the DAST, has had to sign a document that is committed - 'for themselves and their dependent children' to the front of the granting of the temporary parking facilities in the village of Living for the duration of the park ` 38 - to" carry the burden of responsibility itself as the monthly fee established for the use of the pitch and dei servizi del campo, le utenze per i consumi familiari e l’importo della tassa rifiuti; effettuare la piccola manutenzione della piazzola assegnata comprensiva delle eventuali strutture connesse e di rispettare e mantenere efficienti le strutture comuni; assicurare costantemente l’assolvimento dell’obbligo scolastico per i minori in età scolare, oltre la regolare frequenza di corsi di formazione professionale, attività di studio o di occupazione lavorativa, per i minori non più soggetti agli obblighi scolastici; frequentare le attività di integrazione sociale previste dal locale Presidio Socio Educativo; collaborare alle attività di controllo del locale Presidio di Vigilanza; rispettare tutti gli obblighi previsti dal Disciplinare on the functioning of village equipped in the Municipality of Rome 39 [...]». The guideline was issued by the City of Rome in January 2010 and 'fixing for nomadic communities in the Municipality of Rome how to stay temporary in the village equipped [...]». The document sets out the general management criteria while leaving "the control and supervision [...] and the general responsibility for the security of the village" to a "garrison of vigilance" (consisting of municipal police forces or by 'subject selected private security) that must perform the following tasks: "To ensure the monitoring of compliance with the provisions of this Regulation in relation to the Group of local police responsible for the area, keep updated on the attendance register and ensure that people are allowed housed and provided with appropriate document to certify its identity under current rules; provide, upon identification, to record in another register of the persons who occasionally ask to access the station by indicating the reference household, after checking the consent to establish, through the coordinator of violations of rules established by this Regulation, notifying the Department of Social Policies for any action. " The guideline indicates that the parameters of management the social and educational activities, promotes "the election of a Committee Representing the Village '40 and establishing an Advisory Board chaired by the Social Services and determined that the rules of conduct of" each beneficiary ":" perform minor maintenance of their plot, and associated structures, respect and maintain efficient structures and facilities; provide for payment of services provided by the Administration; keep clean the assigned pitch by placing the waste in the containers, placed correctly, all ' internal spaces granted, the trailer or other housing module, not to create obstruction or danger to the transit of persons or vehicles in the zone of free passage, to secure the attendance of children borne by the school. " The document also lists a series of prohibitions, "tamper with the water systems, electrical, fire, and any other structure in the service area, use the facilities or parts of them for purposes other than those authorized, access, parking or simply pass with any vehicle or motorcycle in the village facilities, without specific authorization of the Presidium of the local Vigilance; facilitate entry into the village even if only for visits by persons lacking the required subjective nature legally required for issuing Title [...]; host authorization to reside and people not registered and not allowed; occupy space outside the fence, disturbing the neighborhood by means of radio / TV or similar purposes, fires in public areas, except appropriate equipment, such as barbecue, at a safe distance from the accommodations and services, to keep animals in violation of existing rules and create fences to shelter themselves " 41.
The structural conditions of the "village equipped" Street Fair
[30]. Il campo, di forma trapezoidale, presenta un unico cancello di accesso, presidiato h24 da personale di vigilanza, e un corridoio centrale per la sola viabilità interna dei mezzi di servizio e di soccorso. Sui lati della strada sono disposti 198 moduli abitativi, costituiti da prefabbricati posizionati su cavalletti metallici. Tutta l’area risulta munita di recinzione metallica con altezza non inferiore a 2,5 metri, munita di circa 30 videocamere per la sorveglianza. Ciascuna unità abitativa è fornita di allaccio elettrico, idrico e pozzetto di scarico delle acque nere. Per le esigenze di cottura dei cibi si è constatata la presenza presso le singole unità abitative di una bombola di gas GPL esterna 12 kg and in some cases even outside braziers. Along the way internal hydrants are 6 columns that are devoid of fire hose and nozzle. A column was no hydrant gate valve, and therefore not leaking water, it is assumed that the network itself has no water supply or water supply is still closed. There were no fire extinguishers distributed within the area. Was not detected any signs about the type of fire-fighting within the camp.
[32]. Based on the findings of the technical staff of the Association on July 21, the total area of \u200b\u200bthe settlement area in front of the net and the service road is 23,000 square meter 46. The Regional Regulation No. 18 establishes that facilities (camping and 'villages equipped "for the temporary stop) can offer a capacity for no more than 250 people per hectare. The inhabitants should therefore not exceed 575, while according to an estimate based on surveys carried out by the July 21, at the time of the conduct of research, the inhabitants of the camp were being Fair 1076 501 or more people, almost double the reception capacity established by the rules.
[33]. Regarding the surface of the housing, the same Regulation provides, by Art. 5, that: i) The units referred to as bungalows have a good internal surface between 20 and 40 square meters; ii) the camping, with technology networks the utilities water, electric and sewer, has a minimum area of \u200b\u200bnot less than 50 sm; iii) the 'crew' is a 'group with a maximum of four people who use and reside in a single plot " 47. Note that, according to Art. 40 of the Building Regulations of the City of Roma48, the minimum size of a house for four people must be at least 56 square meters.
[34]. The ambiguity underlying the possibility to refer to several terms, bungalow or house, in the two standards, is less if you notice that the Regional Regulation No. 24 October 2008 18, clarifies art. 2 that the structures 'accommodation in the open' are engaged in "stop and stay of tourists." The containers present in the settlement of Hall Street are to be regarded as more homes (which must therefore be at least 56 square meters for 4 people) in which to reside for a long time (and apparently not by tourists) taking into account the fact the Regulations on the management of the villages facilities for nomadic communities nella Regione Lazio prevede la residenza nei campi attrezzati per almeno due anni, prorogabili 49 .
[36]. Il Regolamento regionale del 24 ottobre 2008 n. 18, inoltre, stabilisce che almeno il 30% della superficie della struttura ricettiva deve essere destinato a verde sportivo e naturalistico. Per quanto riguarda il campo di via di Salone la superficie destinata a questo scopo dovrebbe essere di 6900 mq di cui 1725 mq quella per le aree alberate e ombreggiate. Di fatto le aree a verde sportivo consistono in due spazi di circa 300 mq ciascuno, uno attrezzato con alcuni giochi per bambini e l’altro adibito a campo di calcio. Le aree alberate e ombreggiate consistono in 25 piccoli trees for a shady area of \u200b\u200babout 180 square meters.
[37]. During visits in the 'village equipped, "performed by researchers of the Association on July 21, there was a significant divergence from the parameters, construction and sanitation and a total absence of regulations applicable to the elimination of architectural barriers 50.
structural deficiencies and living conditions
[38]. The structural conditions of the settlement appeared in poor condition. In the course of several visits, the sewer system was constantly unusable for about half of the inhabitants and the Roma (who were able to do so) attempt to unlock it groped complaining about the dangerous situation of sanitation is also due to the presence near entry field, a large amount of garbage not disposed of:
[39]. "Here the problem is the sewers get blocked and can not be close and so may also lead to diseases' 51.
[44]. "The water sometimes is not o scorre pochissimo. Spesso si bloccano le fogne. Noi lo abbiamo detto e ci hanno comunicato che ognuno di noi deve agire per conto proprio, che è colpa nostra se si bloccano, ma non è vero. Il campo è abbandonato, non è gestito da nessuno. Prendono solo i soldi, come per i vigilanti. Potrebbero darci un campo attrezzato per noi del Casilino. Qui non è attrezzato, c’è solo la rete intorno» 56 .
[48]. «Tutto il campo non ha uno spazio giusto, non ci sono gli spazi dove stare insieme, anche per i bambini. Poi qui dentro ci sono tante razze: montenegrini, bosniaci, rumeni; tutte le razze. Questo è un problema perché non siamo mai andati d’accordo con loro. Non siamo cresciuti con loro, non li conosciamo, non conosciamo il loro carattere. Poi si picchiano, fanno di tutto» 60 .
[49]. «Qui alcune persone mettono la musica ad alto volume tutto il giorno e tutta la notte. Siamo gente diversa troppo mischiata e spesso ci sono delle risse. Qui c’è anche la prostituzione anche di ragazze giovani, soprattutto dei rumeni. Lo fanno sia per gli abitanti del campo sia per quelli fuori. Per loro [i rumeni] è normale, ma per noi [rom dalla ex-Jugoslavia] non è possibile, non lo ammettiamo. Non possiamo accettare la prostituzione o i giovani che usano droga, who smoke, as happens here, " 61.
[51]. "In the exhibition space is too small, I do not like to stay in this field. At Casilino was different, there was all my people I knew. If you put the water in front of me no one said anything. Even if we put a pool [inflatable] for children, no one said anything. If we put it here, people say that we have to take off, and do not even know where to put ' 63.
[59]. "I would like citizenship. By citizenship I can usually leave the camp and I could live in case normali. Io ho paura di uscire ed essere fermato e portato al CIE [Centro Identificazione ed Espulsione]. Vivere qui è come vivere in gabbia. In Italia c’è più razzismo che negli altri paesi europei: in Spagna i rom vivono nelle case e tutti quelli nati lì hanno la cittadinanza. I nostri figli sono nati qui ma non sono italiani. È questo il problema: non hanno diritti. Vivere qui è come vivere in gabbia. Ora aspetto il permesso di soggiorno così posso essere più regolare. [...] Con un pezzo di carta la mia vita cambia molto. Noi speriamo con questo permesso di soggiorno [permesso per motivi umanitari] di avere un lavoro» 71 .
[60]. «Quello che ci serve è la cittadinanza. Non vogliamo essere fermati senza documenti. Siamo nati in Italia ma non siamo regolari. Siamo costretti a vivere in questo campo perché non abbiamo documenti» 72 .
[62]. «Io non avevo scelta o per strada o qui. Non c’è scelta. Adesso aspetto il permesso di soggiorno e poi provo ad affittare un appartamento. Voglio stare con i miei figli tranquillo. Ma se non hai il permesso di soggiorno cosa fai? Non puoi fare niente. Non posso affittarmi la casa se non ho i documenti in regola» 74 .
[64]. «Qui is like a concentration camp, there is no tattoo, but there is a card to enter and exit. I wonder if this area is normal. The containers will be made in accordance with the law? The law allows you to feel this way all these people in an area like that? We must do these things according to law. I tell you to help us have proper documents, and then work and school for children, then I'll take the house, I want to pay me, " 76.
-container houses
[65]. The houses in the 'village facilities' Via di Salone consist of three types of container houses of 22.50, 24.30 and 27.60 square meters consist of a living room, two bedrooms and a hallway / kitchen 77. The inhabitants of the respondents reported discomfort caused by the smallness of the space inside the container. Spaces in which they live up to 9 people and where you can not perform normal daily activities (sleeping, eating, studying, etc ...) especially with regard to children's lives. The people displaced by Casilino 900 have emphasized the difference between the container and the houses demolished in the winter of 2010, however, considered best for the space, and in general living conditions:
[77]. «Il container è troppo stretto e siamo in 8 lì dentro. Dobbiamo fare tutto fuori, non possiamo stare dentro. In estate è un forno e in inverno è un frigo perché è tutto di lamiera e plastica. [...] Mangiamo sempre fuori, ma d’inverno quando piove e fa freddo non possiamo. Ora sì perché è estate, ma dopo non possiamo mangiare tutti insieme. Dentro il container [i miei bambini] non possono stare, è troppo stretto, stanno fuori nel cortile, ma anche quello non è grande per tutti» 89 .
[78]. «Noi siamo tanti, siamo 7 e il container è piccolo per tutti. It's too tight to live there. Now that summer is too hot inside and we can not stand. The children are very close to school and studying there. They have no place to play in and argue with those who study children. Now do not sleep well and some are sleeping out [in court] with us. In winter, some sleep on the floor. In the summer we eat out together. In winter we can not be all it's too close " 90.
[79]. Lack of space also prevents the performance of the traditional festivities that normally would include the preparation and the ritual killing of an animal - sheep or pork - by appartenenti alle diverse comunità presenti al campo insieme a una grande partecipazione di parenti e amici:
[81]. «Da quando sono venuto qua, non ho mai fatto una festa ancora. Dove la faccio qua? Neanche il Giurgevdan ho fatto qui. Non posso fare il fuoco qua, può prendere fuoco tutto quanto. Tutti i container sono vicini qui. Basta poco e va a fuoco tutto» 92 .
[83]. «Qui non possiamo fare nessuna festa nostra, non c’è spazio e non possiamo accendere il fuoco. È la nostra tradizione e la stiamo perdendo per colpa loro. I miei figli perderanno la loro cultura» 94.
[87]. "Here there is no space. I wanted to make a feast to give thanks that my son is still alive 6 months after resuscitation, but there is not space here to do this " 98.
[88]. "In one week I will be the anniversary of the 6 months for the death of my brother. Make food and all are invited, even those who do not know. These anniversaries are made after 7 days, then after 6 months and after a year and that's it. We will enter all, some will stay standing, others sitting. We have to arrange and settle. The Gypsies must always be satisfied, it is not like you " 99.
[89]. "We can not kill animals here. We can not do as our traditions, we have to kill the sheep out. They killed our traditions " 100.
field. Spaces for children and the privacy of the families
[91]. "Here at the camp, there are games for children and a soccer field, but the vigilante hunt them when they go there," 101 .
[92]. «Ogni tanto i bambini andavano a giocare nel campetto di calcio, ma litigano e poi possono esserci risse con le altre razze che sono al campo» 102 .
[93]. «Al Casilino c’era il parco intorno. Qui dove giocano? Qui non c’è niente. Ci sarebbe un posto dove i bambini piccoli possono giocare, ma la vigilanza non li fa entrare dentro, dicono che sporcano e rompono tutto» 103 .
[94]. «Quando ho portato i miei figli ai giochi qui al campo i vigilanti non ci hanno fatto entrare. I vigilanti e la polizia municipale non fanno usare il campetto da calcio e i giochi perché dicono che si rompono» 104 .
[96]. «Vicino l’entrata del campo ci sono dei giochi per bambini, ma i guardiani non ci fanno entrare. I guardiani ci sgridano e dicono che dobbiamo andare via e uscire dal quel posto. Allora con le persone che hanno portato dal Casilino giochiamo davanti le case dei nostri familiari» 106 .
[97]. «Prima c’era un tendone qua, uno spazio per tutti. Ma quando sono arrivati quelli dal Casilino, lo hanno tolto. Adesso quindi there is a space where kids can play. If we go to talk to entry and where we play football the guards drove them away. Where there are games for children is only for the nursery " 107.
[103]. The shape of the field of housing and proximity to each other, according to some interviewees, do not allow adequate protection of the privacy of residents rom:
Field and the city
[109]. The settlement Street Fair is located in an isolated position in the extreme eastern outskirts of Rome, beyond the ring road. The distance from essential services, and in particular by the departments of transportation linking the area to the city, is considerable: The nearest pharmacy is 4.2 km, the nearest hospital - Sandro Pertini - 10.6 km, l ' post office is at 2.7 km, grocers 3.1 km, the bus stop is 1.5 km and to reach it you must walk along a road impassable because it lacks lighting, sidewalks and crosswalks . The line is not used by residents in the area why not deemed adequate to the attainment of services. To raggiungere l'altra fermata è necessario percorrere 3 km. Solo nell’aprile del 2010 il funzionamento della stazione dei treni “Salone” lungo la linea ferroviaria regionale - a circa 300 m dal campo - è stata ripristinata dopo una chiusura durata 8 anni per apparenti «motivi di ordine pubblico dovuti al vicino campo nomadi» 118 . L’avvenimento è stato accompagnato da un episodio di discriminazione diretta: secondo quanto riferito dal sindacato autonomo Fast Ferrovie, la società Trenitalia avrebbe predisposto un modulo prestampato nel quale capotreni e controllori avrebbero dovuto segnalare e contare «eventuali passeggeri di etnia rom» in transito alla stazione di Salone, tra Roma Tiburtina and Avezzano 119.
[110]. As noted by the July 21, about half of the inhabitants of the camp has no independent means of transport inside the settlement and this has encouraged the practice of selling 'black' of basic goods (bread, water, cigarettes, etc ...).
[112]. "If you want to go to the city, the bus stop is three kilometers away. For everything is all hard and far. If you do not have a car you can not move and the car costs to get it and keep it. [...] My kids come out just to go to school and I can not always take them to the park on Via Tiburtina. They closed a long time here, we need to do? " 120.
[114]. "Here there is nothing around the field. Everything is far away, we are isolated from everything. Even just going to the grocery store becomes difficult. Here are a few people selling bread, water, are like grocery stores. But it is forbidden and if they are discovered they can send them away. But as a service because they do not earn much and also to go and buy things to eat, it takes time and everything is far away from here. [...] I sometimes took my children where we were before and make the rounds there, in the neighborhood where we lived before. There is too difficult, there is nothing, the city is far away " 122.
[115]. "When I was in Casilino I went out with my family and even with my cousins \u200b\u200bon their own for the neighborhood. We all knew we had Italian friends of our school. My cousins \u200b\u200balso have girlfriends who are not Roma and are the classmates who live in the district Centocelle. Here there is too much crime and there is no integration with the city ' 123.
[116]. "The field è isolato e lontano da tutto. Noi, i miei figli, non avremo alcun futuro se non ci integriamo e non interagiamo con gli italiani. E come facciamo così, con questa distanza? Forse vogliono spostare gli zingari sempre più lontani, nelle montagne. Se vuoi un'integrazione devi aiutare le persone ad avere le case. Se metti le persone nei lager, lontano da tutto e tutti che integrazione ci può essere così? Forse arriveranno a metterci al Polo Sud e forse anche i pinguini farebbero le manifestazioni contro di noi. [...] Qui intorno non c’è nulla per i bambini. Se posso, io li accompagno al Casilino. Quello è il mio punto di riferimento, il mio posto, dove conosco tutto e tutti. Qui non c’è niente» 124 .
[119]. "It's all too far from the field. Sometimes my husband and I bring my nephew with us 12 years to make her stay with cousins \u200b\u200boutside the camp. Then there is also a security problem: there are no sidewalks and walking on the street is dangerous. The camp is well connected by bus and you need to force the car, " 127.
[120]. "The distance is a big problem here. There are no means, then the guys go on foot to La Rustica is where the bus. The first stop is 3 km from here and the boys vanno tutti a piedi. Il campo è troppo distante e i bambini e ragazzi non possono andare in città. Qui siamo lontani da tutto, non sappiamo dove andare. Io se non avessi la macchina non so come potrei fare la spesa, e alcuni qui non hanno la macchina. Se non hai la macchina, puoi morire di fame qui» 128 .
[122]. «Quando ero al Casilino andavo a piedi a fare la spesa. Qui per muovermi devo spendere 10 euro. Mio suocero è morto dopo un mese che è arrivato qui. Lui era attivo, qui si è messo paura e si è bloccato, non faceva più niente. I nostri anziani di solito sono persone attive, ma qui non si possono più muovere da soli, non sono more autonomous. [...] Before we went around the neighborhood knew us all around the field. Upon integration into the neighborhood. We were integrating, my son's friends had also Gadje girlfriend Gage. Here where can I go? The city is too far away. Inside the camps the children will never have the future. My concern is that they learn here delinquency. It takes a post with the house and work to support their families. We should live outside the camps and no associations. Inside the camp, far from the city and the crime is not integration. If a child sees that the crime because you earn well go to work? The field mean delinquency and non-integration ' 130 .
[123]. «Qui viviamo isolati. L’ambulanza ci mette almeno 30 minuti per arrivare quando succede qualcosa. [...] La città è lontana, da qui non si può andare facilmente. I bambini sono come rinchiusi qui» 131 .
Sicurezza
[125]. Secondo le rilevazioni effettuate dai tecnici dell’Associazione 21 luglio all’interno del «villaggio attrezzato» di via di Salone non sono presenti adeguate misure di sicurezza antincendio. Le colonne hydrants for water supply in case of fire were found unsuitable for the closure of the water supply. In addition there has been no fire extinguishers distributed throughout the area and there is no such signs in respect of fire-fighting within the camp. During the visits was detected gate off access to about 5 m and a gate of 1.20 m equipped with panic bars on the inner side street. The ability to escape, on the basis of the statements and assuming that the gate is fully open, is 500 people. The critical issues identified in relation to emergency management and hazard di incendio sono: la presenza di materiale facilmente infiammabile quali masserizie varie accatastate all’esterno delle unità abitative e bombole di gas; la breve distanza tra i moduli abitativi stessi; l’uso di bracieri esterni per la cottura dei cibi che possono creare situazioni estremamente pericolose e di difficile gestione se gli interventi non sono tempestivi e non sono presenti i presidi antincendio richiesti (idranti ed estintori); la presenza di erbe secche nel campo incolto confinante con parte dell’area dell'insediamento che può essere fonte di pericolo in caso si incendio delle stesse, con il rischio di una veloce estensione dell’incendio anche all’area interna.
[126]. The vast majority of Roma respondents reported never having participated in the conduct of training and fire drills and has expressed fears about the danger to the safety of all inhabitants of any fires in homes because of the extremely close of containers between them and the lack of escape routes. The metal fence surrounding the field has a number of unattended gates that allow entry of persons who, according to the prefectural regulation, should not be accepted. It was found for the presence of people (at least 10% of residents allowed) not formally comply with the allocation of container e che sfugge ai controlli quotidiani. Ciò comporta periodici sgomberi effettuati dalla polizia municipale all’interno dell’insediamento 133 . Il «villaggio», come già scritto, è sorvegliato h24 da vigilanti privati armati che operano con l’ausilio di circa 30 videocamere collocate lungo tutto il perimetro del campo. Durante le interviste, gli abitanti hanno riportato l’inefficacia di queste azioni di controllo che a qualcuno sono invece apparse inutilmente intimidatorie e pericolose per gli stessi residenti 134 . Altri elementi problematici sottolineati dalle persone intervistate relativi alla loro sicurezza e soprattutto all’incolumità dei minori, sono stati: la presenza di numerosi cani randagi, la convivenza forzata con altre comunità considerate pericolose e coinvolte in attività illegali, la mancata applicazione del regolamento da parte del personale preposto:
[128]. «I vigilanti se ne stanno sempre chiusi nel loro container. Si fanno gli affari loro. Anche quando ci sono le risse non intervengono, si fanno gli affari loro perché hanno paura di intervenire e farsi male per noi. È anche pericoloso perché hanno la pistola. E se la perdono? E se qualcuno gliela prende e la usa? Io penso che le telecamere servono a controllare quello che facciamo: se qualcuno uccide un altro almeno così sapranno chi è. Dicono che is for security. Record our lives. [...] Here is a fire hazard. The containers, people are all too close. If something happens in a container, then everything is on fire. People do not even know where to run: they must jump over the net around? Now they have also closed the water emergency, because it was often used. [...] Since we came here from 900 Casilino not told us what to do in case of fire and did not give us a fire extinguisher ' 136.
[131]. "Now the authorities want to close the entire perimeter of the network. They have already closed all other times, but other people reopens again revenue. Here it is not safe at all. I have asked the Department V there is an emergency exit in case of fire, but they told me that everything should be closed. I'm afraid that there might be a fire. There are too many stray dogs, they bite us and we are afraid. I'm worried for my children. They've already bitten my daughter, they could tear. We have told the brigade and they said: 'Kill them you dogs'. I have the fire extinguisher at home, but I had to take me, for my safety. Since I'm here, we did training and fire drills. They also disconnected the water to take in case of fire. I'm afraid of fights, here you fight too much, I sleep two hours every night. I'm afraid to leave my children alone here, I never do. My children have no future here. [...] We are full of cameras and we are vigilant, but not useless. Here, if something does not give anyone anything. Vigilantes do not respect the rules and are corrupt. The music is always loud and in accordance with the regulation could not be, but nobody comes to enforcing the rules. The vigilantes say, 'Who cares about us? "' 139.
[134]. "I do not trust to leave my niece alone turn [...]. They hurt a lady at the camp a few days ago. It happened that a lady was sleeping and was attacked and beaten. Talk about control for the safety of the inhabitants of the camp, but it's not nothing, it does not work " 142.
[136]. "We're not safe here. I'm afraid of Romanians and other people do not know. I fear for my children, someone takes them and hurt them. [...] I did not understand what use surveillance and cameras. You are not vigilantes, the police come to talk to you. And then the firemen come every two or three days to control. A few days ago the firemen came and knocked on my door at 3 am to enter without permission and without showing a written order. The children are scared and crying. The brigade said it was a document check and then they brought other people living in the camp to the police station. They know everything about me, because every time I ask permission to stay? " 144.
[138]. "I'm afraid of fire. We are all too close and crowded. If a fire happens to be where we go? Casilino to all the houses were far apart and if we had a fire going to see the time and exit. Here we are too close: If a burn, burn all. There is too much plastic and metal. [...] There are cameras for surveillance and control us. But to me I do not care anything, I do not steal. If I check ... So I do not do anything wrong. It's like my grandparents told me of those places during the war, concentration camps. We are all stored here, different people, different places and monitored by surveillance. There are thieves and honest " 146.
[141]. "Here at camp I'm afraid to respond to insults, because then take the beatings by other children. Here it is dangerous: the others are telling us that we are the intruders Casilino, we must go away and threaten us by breaking the bottles. I do not ride alone and I'm always home, " 149.
Education and training
[142]. In the 2009/2010 school year 265 children of school age residing in the camp were enrolled in institutions in areas of Tor Bella Monaca, La Rustica, Torre Angela, Ponte di Nona, where operators are accompanied by the organization that manages the " service education of children belonging to the Roma community facilities in the village of Street Fair " 150.
[143]. Issues related to school attendance of children, found during research, focused mainly on the relocated families from Casilino 900 during the school year 2009/2010. The parents, while still lived in the old settlement, have disrupted the school attendance of children for a period between 20 days and a month and a half for fear of the impending eviction. In addition, children who came off the field of Salone, was accompanied by the organization in charge of education in institutions attended prior to transfer with the intent to avoid a break in teaching. The great distance from the new field and the need to accompany other children in the different institutions involved daily arrivals of students - even two hours after the start of lessons - that caused the rejection of a child
[146]. "During the evacuation of 900 Casilino were forced to stop for 20 days. It was not known if there would be evacuated and the children of the camp did not go to school anymore, not even the coach arrived to take them. Every day we thought of having to be evacuated and the children remained at home. I had to bring a medical certificate because they have broken the school " 153. [147]. "When I was in Casilino I went to high school nearby, but I have to clear off for a month and a half. Even now I go from exhibition in the school. I in that I was at school when I was Casilino sometimes alone and sometimes by bus. When I walk there I put 5 or 10 minutes. Even now that I have to accompany exhibition by bus. It leaves at 7:30 and finish at 9.00 at school. But first, when I was in Casilino was better, I knew all the streets, it was more beautiful " 154.
[149]. "My children go to school more regularly. After we have moved from Casilino always arrive late because the bus from here will have to do all the way around and follow the other children who live here and then get to the schools to Casilino. My children always came in the third hour! There bring so much to get there. My son was in sixth grade was rejected because it always arrived late. For twenty days the school was locked when we were expecting Casilino and the evacuation. Every day we were told we had to be evacuated and the children were not at school, not accompanied them, everything was still. Next year maybe they enroll in schools near the camp, but I hope they can still go in their schools. Two of my sons have won the scholarship. I hope to integrate them in their schools enroll close to Casilino. There are better, the teachers, help them and their friends in the neighborhood who know them and help them " 156.
[150]. With regard to the training field-work, in 2010, four inhabitants of the field of Salone were being included in the project for the collection of bulky waste "Recycle House" in collaboration with the AMA, the company urban sanitation operating in the territory of the municipality of Rome. The project included a training phase between 13 and 30 July 2010 and a second phase which began September 13, 2010 and will run for six months which is a vocational course which will see participants working in the field near the island Ecological Collatina away in Rome. During 2009 he was made a project that has seen the coinvolgimento di 11 cittadini rom abitanti del campo di via di Salone che hanno frequentato un percorso formativo di 600 ore al termine del quale hanno conseguito la qualifica professionale di manutentori e installatori di impianti fotovoltaici 157 .
Salute
[151]. Secondo quanto affermato dal coordinatore dell’area sanitaria di un’organizzazione che interviene nel campo, le patologie più ricorrenti che riguardano i minori sono quelle che vengono definite «da ghetto» 158 : problemi respiratori dovuti alle abitazioni i cui ambienti sono molto caldi nei mesi estivi e freddi in quelli invernali; dermatiti, pediculosi, verruche, scabbia. Per quanto riguarda gli adulti, le altre patologie più diffuse sono l’ipertensione e le malattie dell’apparato cardiovascolare legate a tabagismo, alcolismo, tossicodipendenza e cattiva alimentazione.
[152]. La salute degli abitanti del campo, e soprattutto quella dei bambini, è messa in serio pericolo dalla presenza del vicino inceneritore per rifiuti tossici e nocivi che si trova al numero civico 245 di via di Salone 159 . L’impianto ha subito tra il 1999 e il 2004 una serie di guasti: la rottura di un tank of hydrochloric acid, the outbreak of an oven, a fire.
[155]. The analysis of interviews gathered during the research shows that children often show the settlement psychological discomfort due to the context in which they live. The presence of these issues has been confirmed by the project coordinator from the health management fields equipped V Department of the City of Rome: "There is a strong correlation between child development and the environment in which he lives or is forced to live. The children in the field of Salone way are inevitably more vulnerable than other children who grow up and live in environments sani e ricchi di occasioni e stimoli socio-culturali. I disturbi di tipo psicologico sono tra le patologie più diffuse tra i bambini che vivono in un campo nomadi come quello del campo di via di Salone. Questo tipo di disturbo è meno evidente rispetto a un disturbo fisico, ma è spesso più insidioso e più pericoloso per la crescita della persona. [...] Gli studi di ricerca hanno infatti evidenziato che le deprivazioni ambientali che i bambini devono affrontare in contesti simili a quelli di un campo nomadi producono un’alta percentuale di disturbi d’ansia, fobie, disturbi del sonno, dell’attenzione e iperattività, ritardi nell’apprendimento. Questi disturbi sono gravi e invalidanti per i bambini, impediscono infatti full inclusion into society and create serious difficulties in the relational sphere. They are also predictive of more serious disorders in adolescence and adulthood. [...] A degraded environment and deprived growth does not allow full, free and conscious of that person because of being fair is a place where time has stopped, where everything is always equal to itself and where it can be grown no ambition and no hope. There is not really the perception of time, no time evolution, so there is no real possibility for growth. [...] The social unrest of the field is also a lack of accepted rules and shared. Living in chaos emotional and social deprivation and grow in without adequate opportunities for education, being forced to become adults too early, forcing Roma children to live under rules that are often faced with contradictory and do not understand and this leads inevitably to a recognition of the difficulty in and internalization of the superego and moral conscience " 164
[161]. "My grandson is 5 years always sad because it has no place to stay at home. How do they feel so good? The children here are my sad and nervous and cry forever. They do not have space to do anything. [...] They are sad, they need to be more integrated with others in the city. There are so evil " 170.
[163]. "The child is more sad and depressed when he lives in the field show. It's all too tight, missing spaces. Casilino also came from children with mental health problems that are worse off now because they're Hall closed the camp and just can not get out. Prior to the field Casilino the baby was moving and knew everyone there was a protection and could not happen anything important. But now you are scared: a girl who is growing and becoming a teenager in the exhibition are many dangers " 172 .
[169]. The other critical elements reported by the inhabitants of the field of Salone way, were: the excessive distance to the nearest hospital is more than 10 km from the installation, the absence of a health drive, the fact often the ambulances arrive at the camp long after the call for an emergency. In some cases, respondents said that health-care emergency room refused to reach the settlement:
[170]. "On the Monday is a doctor at the camp for all children. Physicians should be every day here with an ambulance always here, " 178.
[171]. "Before we had our doctor to Centocelle. Here there is one that comes once a week, but I bring my children than ever before. You sometimes do not even ambulances. A few days ago, 10 days ago, there was a fight and one person was injured and ambulance came to take it after two hours. There were the guardians and they looked just as it was a fight, they saw that one was injured and did nothing. If something bad happens here, and something happens to a boy, the ambulance comes? Here were to bring Fixed an emergency room here. They got us like dogs in here, and instead there should be a doctor and an ambulance down here. With all these people, we will be here in 1000, it takes an emergency room, an ambulance that is always here, " 179.
[174]. "We have a 26 year old handicapped son. He has a severe mental retardation, so the doctors said. I can never sleep and feel comfortable, at times of nervous breakdown. We must always carry it around for his care and follow-up visits. We have to go to different hospitals and far, Forlanini, S. Camillo, Umberto I, but from here we can not. We do not have the machine and we have to walk 3 miles on foot to catch the bus and my son can not: he is afraid of everything, afraid of the machine and stops, screams, he is an attack of nerves. He is big and strong now and we can not do to hold him and calm him down to the bus stop. It's all far from here and make one visit we get a whole day with him that is so bad. I am sad and sorry for my son. The social service knows our situation but did nothing for him. We asked to change sides and go to Candoni to improve things for my son. There are buses nearby to go to cure my son. I do not want to get away from here for me and my husband, but for the sake of my son. It is for him to go away for me that are not great. He needs us parents, he does not eat food if you do not see us as parents' 182.
[177]. "Before, when we were Casilino, the doctor was close, we went on foot or by bus. I do not have a car and I can not take my children to the doctor to Casilino. There should always be a pediatrician, should be fixed at the camp, and there should also be an ambulance and a doctor. The doctor comes here once a week. The ASL should do the checks for infectious diseases, sexual diseases. They should make health checks because there are too many people crowded together, we risk an epidemic " 185.
[178]. "We do not have the card, but when we were Casilino the doctors there did the same hospital visits because they knew us. I, since I came here I was sick twice already and I called the ambulance. Once it took him an hour to get the other time 30 minutes. If you get sick can die waiting all this time. From here I can not even go for follow-up visits. Here [in camp] is a doctor, but if you do not have the card you do not visit. At Casilino, in the place where we went, the doctors knew us all and there were visits without badges " 186.
10 about breaking European law during the census, see European Roma Rights Centre, Open Society Institute e OsservAzione, Memorandum to the European Commission: Violations of EC law and the fundamental rights of Roma and Sinti by the Italian government in the implementation of the census in ‘nomad camps’, 4 maggio 2009: http://www.errc.org/db/03/D5/m000003D5.pdf
14 OSCE, Assessment of the Human Rights Situation of Roma and Sinti in Italy: Report of a Fact-finding Mission to Milan, Naples and Rome on 20-26 July 2008, Warsaw-The Hague, marzo 2009: http://www.osce.org/documents/odihr/2009/03/36620_en.pdf
19 Adnkronos, Rome: Maroni, on nomadic capital example to follow, July 31, 2009: http://www.fabriziosantori.com/modules.php?name=News&file=article&sid=4702 See Time. IT Summit Alemanno-Zingaretti-Marrazzo con Maroni, 4 febbraio 2009. Il sindaco Gianni Alemanno nel febbraio 2009 aveva parlato di uno stanziamento di 23 milioni di euro: «Con i dieci milioni dal Governo su cento per la sicurezza a livello nazionale stanziati per l'emergenza rom aggiungendo gli 8 del Campidoglio e i 5 della Regione si arriva a un totale di 23 milioni, che saranno utilizzati per la realizzazione dei nuovi campi rom e per il risanamento di quelli già esistenti e per le strutture funzionali alla loro gestione»: http://www.iltempo.it/roma/2009/02/04/985356-patto_sicurezza.shtml
27 Le informazioni relative a questo capitolo sono state raccolte attraverso interviste con i rappresentanti delle associazioni del terzo settore che gestiscono progetti di intervento all’interno del campo di via di Salone.
32 Intervista con un rappresentante di un'organizzazione che interviene nel campo di via di Salone, Roma, 4 agosto 2010.
33 Intervista con un rappresentante di un'organizzazione che interviene nel campo di via di Salone, Roma, 4 agosto 2010.
35 Interview the representative of an association involved in the field of Salone Street, Rome, July 20, 2010.
36 Interview with representative of an association involved in the field of Salone Street, Rome, July 20, 2010.
37 The City of Rome has adopted the Regulations on the management of the villages facilities for nomadic communities in the Region with Protocol 14 286 of 6 March 2009 and has delegated responsibility for the Department V i poteri attuativi di pertinenza comunale.
38 Comune di Roma, Atto di impegno relativo all’autorizzazione allo stazionamento temporaneo nel villaggio attrezzato di Salone, in Archivio Associazione 21 luglio.
39 Comune di Roma, Disciplinare sulle modalità di permanenza temporanea nei villaggi attrezzati per le comunità nomadi del Comune di Roma, 15 gennaio 2010, in Archivio Associazione 21 luglio.
40 Al momento dello svolgimento della ricerca questo organo di rappresentanza non era stato ancora creato.
41 Comune di Roma, Disciplinare sulle modalità di permanenza temporanea nei villaggi attrezzati per le comunità nomadi City of Rome, January 15, 2010, the Archives Association July 21.
120 Interview with C. H,. Romani man with Bosnian parents, stateless, 25, Rome, Fair Field, July 23, 2010.
122 interview with FS, a man with Roma parents, Montenegrins, stateless, 32, Rome, Fair Field, July 20 2010.
123 Interview with GR, Roma children whose parents Montenegrins, 13, Rome, Fair Field, July 26, 2010.
Interview with GS 124, a man with Roma parents, Montenegrins, stateless, 32, Rome, Fair Field, July 23, 2010.
127 interview with DS, Montenegrin Roma woman, 41, Rome, Fair Field, July 20, 2010.
128 Interview with RH, Bosnian Roma woman, 50, Rome, Fair Field, July 29, 2010.
Interview with SR 130, Montenegrin Roma woman, 36, Rome, Fair Field, July 26, 2010.
131 Interview with T. H,. Romani man with Bosnian parents, stateless, 28, Rome, Fair Field, July 23, 2010.
133 See Giornale.it, Blitz brigade to the Roma camp in Via Salon: monitor and report to the community of Romania, July 3, 2010.
134 On 27 August 2010, the Association in a July 21 press release expressed its concerns on security conditions of the "villages equipped" and the structures created by the City of Rome for the accommodation of Roma evicted from informal settlements : http://www.21luglio.com/comunicati_stampa/com_27agosto.htm
136 Interview with FH, Bosnian Romani man, 40, Rome, tennis exhibition, July 23, 2010.
Interview with GS 139, a man with Roma parents, Montenegrins, stateless, 32, Rome, Fair Field, July 23, 2010.
142 interview with DS, Montenegrin Roma woman, 41, Rome, Fair Field, July 20, 2010.
Interview with SH 144, Bosnian Roma woman, 32, Rome, Fair Field, July 20, 2010.
146 interview with SS, Montenegrin Roma woman, 58, Rome, Fair Field, July 16, 2010.
Interview with TR 149, Roma children whose parents Montenegrins, 12, Rome, Fair Field, July 26, 2010.
