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bipartisan program: the gallows |
The next spot to entice foreigners to visit the city and our country could have one just referred to as pay-off, given the recent utterances (which should emphasize the soul bipartisan fashion to confirm a long-standing ... ). After
cravings workers "Fassino (if he was going to really work on the assembly line we would all benefit) here come the right-hand side of the palace, in the person of Defense Minister Ignazio La Russa - perhaps forget that it is not sitting in our own media - has threatened (even for a few hours) President of the Federative Republic of Brazil Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva of possible action (a possible no extradition from Brazil in Italy by Cesare Battisti " will not be without consequences," as announced in an interview with Corriere della Sera) prompted them to boycott trade to Brazil.
You just made the decision on the Brazilian media-political-historical process that for years now is being carried out against the former militant of the CAP (Armed Proletarians for Communism) Cesare Battisti. Immediately clean the area from possible misunderstandings: Baptists, as an individual, I is profoundly on the boxes, while I can not entertain the same antipathy to the attempt to change the status quo of the '70s who used armed struggle as a force of resistance to structural violence State (and here I refer to the definition of violence triangular Johan Galtung: http://www.reteindra.org/BN0201/09.htm ).
I call the historical process (and political) because what we are seeing is the attempt to close the accounts with the process as an individual Baptists, but Baptists as a symbol. He is imprisoned - de facto - to imprison the '70s. And, even better, a process for the years of lead, as such, a process that appears to be the best among the non-solutions of a wound still open that it should be in place that more properly the responsibility of: the history books. Consider the same
Federative Republic of Brazil, which in a few hours will see the passing of the baton between Lula and Dilma Vana Rousseff, guerrilla at the time of the dictatorship in Brazil (1964 - 1985) and - even - because of the choice that would rise in Italy in the case of "terroristimo" was imprisoned from 1970 to 1972.
Or another case "striking" to José Alberto "Pepe" Mujica Cordano, current President of the Oriental Republic of Uruguay with a background in Tupamaro National Liberation Movement.
In Latin America's ex-"terrorists" become (even) Presidents of the Republic, in Italy - after more than a quarter century - still serving prison sentences. As De Luca Errico wrote in Le Monde last February: "I'm still alive the last of the revolutionaries in 1900. Some have become heads of state and government, for they play the national anthems. Others remain behind bars, in exile without end, or confused freedom after decades in prison discounted. "
As you turn the debate on the extradition of Baptists in the story reminded me of Sakineh Asthiani Mohammadi, the Iranian woman that some time ago he tore his clothes down to the streets to demand freedom. It reminds me because - according to the official version - that the death sentence had been imposed and that as I write I do not think has yet been carried out included among the crimes imputed to her even to murder, that is the same offense (with a long sequence of differences, of course) ascribed to Baptists, to which everyone - including those in the streets to Sakineh - are asking the head with a lot of foaming at the mouth.
is the "usual" problema italiano: quel brodo di coltura populistico-giustizialista nel quale sguazzano personaggi forcaioli come Travaglio, Saviano e Di Pietro che ha esasperato ancora di più la sete di vendetta del popolo ammantandola dietro un falso principio di giustizia (che è, appunto, il giustizialismo). Si salva una donna dalla “forca” per un omicidio, destinando al contempo un uomo alla stessa forca per lo stesso reato: abbiamo una ben strana idea di “giustizia”, no?
- Un po' di storia...
« I Pac sorsero negli ultimi mesi del 1977, dopo la repressione statuale del forte movimento autonomo di lotta che quell’anno had grown throughout Italy, and as a response to the new reality of special prisons. Therefore were born in the political and cultural climate following the criticism of Jean Paul Sartre and many other French intellectuals of the Italian democracy against authoritarianism and a few years after the sharp observations of Pier Paolo Pasolini who, although having a generic flavor, and then populist, criticized severely thirty Democratic regime. Leaders of the Pac, an organization composed of over sixty people, including workers, the unemployed, teachers and young students, were Sebastian Masala, Arrigo and Giuseppe Memeo buck. Emergency laws were rewritten but the history of the Pac. Cesare Battisti a robber who was politicized in prison, became the first major scapegoat of the whole story of the Pac and then, in recent years, the symbol of a case manipulated by the rulers to propose new security policies and as to the request Italic his extradition from Brazil, not to recognize the social and political anti-systemic armed struggle and hide the truth of the historical period from the late 70s to early 80s: special prisons, torture, and read liberticide "wrote Sandra Padula on" The Other "in September last year.
Dall'ottimo blog Polvere da Sparo (“ottimo” è comunque riduttivo) vi riporto la testimonianza di Sisinnio Bitti, accusato di aver preso parte all'omicidio dell'orefice Pierluigi Torregiani:
The tortures suffered by the militants of the Armed Proletarians for Communism.
Milan 17-18 February 1979 Sisinnio Bitti, "was the night of February 16, 1979, I returned home with Mark's two o'clock at night. Upon entering we found ourselves in front of a team of plainclothes policemen who handcuffed us immediately. Since we are both active in the neighborhood collective self-Barona, imagined to be controlled. The day before he was killed this afternoon in Milan, the jeweler Torregiani.
Upon arriving at the police station they took me up and down the stairs, then came introduced in a lounge on the upper floors. There was attacked with kicks and punches to the back and behind the neck, I was thrown to the ground and beaten, wondering why all of this and they told me "you know very well why. You better talk to you tonight, otherwise it's over, you throw out the window. "
I was lifted from the floor and lying on a plank, I had him at least six plainclothes policemen who kept me firmly in the hands and feet: the turns kicking them in the stomach and lower abdomen. I remember at the table two sinks, one of the two there was inserted a plastic rod, this rod I was stuck in his mouth was open and the tap with the maximum pressure forcing me to swallow water to fill your stomach like a balloon, a policeman I went up the belly to make me throw up the water.
They made me get off the table and I sat on a chair, I was handcuffed and a policeman crushed me down to make me sit still. Note that time I weighed 52 kg for a height of 1.62, while the police were almost twice as me. They continued the torture, they wanted to know where we left off the weapons, according to them, we used to kill Torregiani. At one point I had to invent an excuse to escape the physical, so I told them that I would have taken to the place where they found the weapons. So I took them in a basement where the group gathered in the area. I had no idea at that time the whereabouts of weapons, much less those used for the murder Torregiani, just arrived, turned around in minutes, but there was no trace of weapons. At that point I was really scared, in fact, two of them pulled out guns and threatened to kill me, but two others were opposed to the point that they quarreled with each other, so that they can not tell if they were playing for keeps, or whether it was a farce. By now dawn, we returned to the police station and was thrown in a cell with nothing, wet and swollen. I slumped behind the door, a police officer I checked the time. I think I was taken from the cell in the afternoon, I dragged a bit 'up and down the stairs, and after a while 'I was led into a room. From that experience I remember only a table and as many blankets piled up. They made me undress completely and lie supine on the table, they put the handcuffs on his ankles and hands.
You start hitting the policeman Eleuterio Rea, I wrapped the blanket chest with a stick and struck me on the chest. I do not know how I stood in that room. They hit me on the already swollen temples, the flames of lighters on the soles of the feet and under his testicles, and the attempt to introduce the stick in his anus. I was convinced that I had to go to the Magistrate and then the names of people who had killed Torregiani.
took me davanti a due persone in una stanza semi buia, solo in seguito seppi che quei due erano i giudici Deliguori e Spataro. Da dietro i poliziotti continuavano a suggerirmi di dire quello che avevo affermato davanti a loro, che era in parte ciò che loro mi dicevano che avrei dovuto dire ai giudici.
Il pomeriggio che fu ucciso Torregiani mi trovavo in ospedale a lavorare in presenza di medici e infermieri che in seguito testimoniarono a mio favore. I poliziotti in parte avevano creduto e cercarono di convincermi ad accusare Sebastiano, Pietro Mutti e Franco Angelo, persone che loro conoscevano già.
Dopo questo drammatico interrogatorio davanti ai giudici mi venne finalmente offerto un panino dopo ore e ore di fasting without food or drink, then I was transferred to San Vittore prison. Perceiving that I was very ill I was immediately subjected to medical examination.
They found me several injuries, including: otitis traumatic, tachycardia, high blood pressure, swelling at the temples, ankles, swelling and injury to the scrotum, and later was admitted to the Clinical Center.
few days later I was given the opportunity to speak with the judges and Deliguori Spataro, who saw them after a few days, and then went to the police complaints.
he was released for lack of evidence. "
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Tarso Genro |
is in a similar context that during those years saw the development of two phenomena: first, in France, called " Mitterrand doctrine", namely political, taken since the French Revolution ( and also the protection of Italian militants of the Liberation Front of Algeria in the 60s), gave refuge to all those militants - Italian, Irish and Basque in particular - forced to leave the country for political reasons and, secondly, the phenomenon of " pentitismo ", ie the birth of subjects - basically to save themselves - were encouraged nell'addossare blame to others, behind the prospect of strong reduction of sentences.
A major user of the latter was Service Sample Pietro Mutti, former fellow Baptists and - for that - his main accuser. Too bad that the allegations are gradually falling one by one. At this point, therefore, the question arises: " because he was imprisoned - and is serving a life sentence - Cesare Battisti? "
- June 6, 1978, Udine: Cesare Battisti and an accomplice killed the sergeant of police Antonio Santoro prison, accused of ill-treatment of detainees;
- February 16, 1979, Santa Maria di Sala (Venezia): Battisti is accused of "covering armed" with Diego Giacomin, perpetrator of the murder of Lino Sabbadin, butcher mestre;
- February 16, 1979, Milan: Cesare Battisti is accused of being the co-creator and co-organizer of the murder of jeweler Pierre Torregiani, in which the latter's son - Alberto - paralyzed by a shot fired by his father during the firefight.
- April 19, 1979, Milan: Cesare Battisti is accused of being the perpetrator of the murder of Andrea Campagna, Digos agent.
For the first murder (June 6, 1979) the next test will define how the murderer is the same Mutti, as well as - in this case with the help of the aforementioned Giacomin Diego - for the murder of the butcher Sabbadin. We must also discard the murder campaign because - even - in this case is a self-confessed (Giuseppe Memeo) that speaks of an accomplice blonde and a six feet high. And looking at the photos of Battisti I think it takes a great deal of imagination to identify this man.
There remains therefore the "case" Torregiani (which is what has more prominence by the media), but - according to the reconstruction - 16 February 1979 Battisti was in Venice to do a cover (hence the "moral contest" in the murder).
But you can base a decision on the evidence - because obviously phony denials in fact - Mutti?
"I supported " - says Tarso Fernando Herz Genro, Minister of Justice of the Lula government in an interview in October 2009 to Paolo Persichetti for Liberation - " the legality of the reaction of the rule of law in the face of Italian a historical situation of social upheaval. That reaction venneportata forward by applying the legal rules in force at the time. However, it is impossible to deny that it happened, even using alla creazione di un regime di eccezioni che ha ridotto le prerogative di difesa degli accusati di sovversione o di azioni violente. L’introduzione del “pentitismo remunerato” è un esempio di queste eccezioni restrittive del diritto di difesa, e, nel caso in questione, fu la base principale della condanna di Cesare Battisti. Inoltre è notorio che i meccanismi di funzionamento dell’eccezione operarono, a quell’epoca, anche fuori dalle regole della stessa eccezionalità prevista dalla legge. Circostanza che suscitò ripercussioni in diversi paesi, anche fuori dall’Europa, che per questo concessero asilo politico ad attivisti italiani, e che spinse organismi internazionali che si occupano dei diritti umani, come Amnesty International and the European Committee for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading to draw up reports on what happened .
- The "raspberry" Lula
In conclusion I asked a long series of questions about the case (the source is Carmilla), useful in shedding light on "theorem media-political" built around the figure of what it is and remains a simple militant (and not the source of all evil) of CAP
The case Battisti all doubts about the processes and sentences set point by point.
Why Cesare Battisti was arrested in 1979?
He was arrested in the raids, which hit the Collective of Independent Barona (a district of Milan), after that, February 16, 1979, Peter was killed the jeweler Luigi Torregiani.
Torregiani Why the jeweler was murdered?
Why, January 22, 1979, together with a friend armed himself, had killed Horatio Daidone, one of two robbers who had raided the restaurant in the liner cui cenava in folta compagnia. Un cliente, Vincenzo Consoli, morì nella sparatoria, un altro rimase ferito.
He was arrested in the raids, which hit the Collective of Independent Barona (a district of Milan), after that, February 16, 1979, Peter was killed the jeweler Luigi Torregiani.
Torregiani Why the jeweler was murdered?
Why, January 22, 1979, together with a friend armed himself, had killed Horatio Daidone, one of two robbers who had raided the restaurant in the liner cui cenava in folta compagnia. Un cliente, Vincenzo Consoli, morì nella sparatoria, un altro rimase ferito.
Chi uccise Torregiani intendeva colpire quanti, in quel periodo, tendevano a “farsi giustizia da soli”.
Cesare Battisti partecipò all’assalto al Transatlantico?
No. Nessuno ha mai asserito questo. Si trattò di un episodio di delinquenza comune.
Cesare Battisti partecipò all’uccisione di Torregiani?
No. Anche questa circostanza – affermata in un primo tempo – venne poi totalmente esclusa. Altrimenti sarebbe stato impossibile coinvolgerlo, come poi avvenne, killing the butcher Lino Sabbadin, which occurred in the province of Udine the same February 16, 1979, almost at the same time.
Yet it was hinted that Cesare Battisti had wounded one of the sons of Torregiani, Albert, then remained paraplegic.
It 'a fact that Alberto Torregiani was wounded accidentally by his father, in the firefight with the attackers.
media insist in pointing out how the killer Cesare Battisti Torregiani, often even say that he was hurt Alberto and reduce it in a wheelchair. Alberto does not adjust anything, not even for the sake of accuracy. Do not reply never even Spataro. Why?
This is inexplicable. The killers reali (Sebastiano Masala, Sante Fatone, Gabriele Grimaldi e Giuseppe Memeo) furono catturati poco tempo dopo l’agguato, e hanno scontato condanne più o meno lunghe.
Il procuratore Armando Spataro, ne Il Corriere della Sera del 23 gennaio 2008, dice che Battisti “giustiziò” Luigi Pietro Torregiani, reo di avere reagito con le armi a una rapina che aveva subito.
Anche questo è inspiegabile. La dinamica dei fatti è molto diversa, Spataro stesso la spiegò altre volte: Torregiani e un collega fecero fuoco, con revolver di grosso calibro, su chi stava rapinando la cassa del ristorante Transatlantico in cui cenavano con amici.
Perché dunque Cesare Battisti viene collegato Torregiani murder?
First, because, by his own admission, was part of the group that claimed responsibility for the attack, the Armed Proletarians for Communism. The same group that claimed responsibility for the attack Sabbadin.
What were the Armed Proletarians for Communism (PAC)?
One of the many armed groups resulting in the late '70s, the movement said Autonomy Workers, and dedicated to what they called "lawlessness" by the "expropriation" (banks, supermarkets) to retaliate against companies who organized black labor, to, more rarely, injury and murder.
PACs resembled the Red Brigades?
No. Like all independent groups not to point or building a new communist party, nor an immediate reversal of power. As trying to take control of the territory, moving the balance of power in favor of the lower classes, and particularly their youth members. This project, however one judges (certainly did not work), it coincided with that of BR.
Prosecutor Spataro said that the members of the PAC did not exceed thirty.
The suspects belong to the PAC were at least 60. The major component was represented by young workers. Followed unemployed teachers. The students were only three. The symbol CAP was still used by other groups. Thirty or sixty
makes little difference.
It does, however. Change the probability of participation in the general decisions of the organization, and also to actions by this project. Keep in mind that if the robberies are attributed to the CAP scores, the four murders. The direct participation in one of these becomes much less likely, if you double the number of staff.
Cesare Battisti was the leader of the PAC, or a leader?
No. This is a pure journalistic invention. Neither the record of the trial, nor any other evidence leads us to consider one of the leaders. Moreover, he had a past that - as a former thief and hoodlum O, devoid of ideological education - to enable him to play such a role. He was a militant of the many. In the case
Baptists, however, was judged among the "organizers" of the murder Torregiani. In
by deduction. According to Arrigo Cavallina dissociated, participated in meetings in which he had discussed the possible attack, without expressing the opposite view. Only with the arrival on the scene of repentance Mutti - after Battisti, sentenced to twelve and a half years, had escaped from prison and fled to Mexico - the accusation is accurate, but again by deduction. Since Battisti was accused by Mutti have played roles in the murder coverage Sabbadin, e poiché gli attentati Torregiani e Sabbadin erano chiaramente ispirati a una stessa strategia (colpire i negozianti che uccidevano i rapinatori), ecco che Battisti doveva essere per forza di cose tra gli “organizzatori” dell’agguato a Torregiani, pur senza avervi partecipato di persona.
Eppure, di tutti i crimini attribuiti a Battisti, quello cui si dà più rilievo è proprio il caso Torregiani.
Forse si prestava più degli altri a un uso “spettacolare” (si veda l’impiego ricorrente nei media di Alberto Torregiani, non sempre pronto, per motivi anche comprensibili, a rivelare chi lo ferì). O forse – visto chi ci governa e le proposte formulate some years ago by the Minister Castelli, in terms of self-defense by the merchants - the episode was better able to do certain strings vibrate nell'elettorato reference.
However, those who defend Battisti has often played the card of "simultaneity" between the crime and the Torregiani Sabbadin, while Baptists have been accused of "organized" the first and "executed" the second.
This is due to the ambiguity of the very first request for the extradition of Battisti (1991), the contradictory information provided by newspapers (number and quality of crimes vary from test to test), the silence of those who knew. Do not forget Armando Spataro has provided details on the case - indeed, a number of details - only after the campaign for Cesare Battisti had started to challenge the way the investigation and trial were conducted. Nor should we forget that the Italian government decided to refer to French judges, on the eve of the session that was to decide the new request for extradition of Cesare Battisti, 800 pages of documents. It 'easy to infer that he considered the inadequate documentation produced to date. A fortiori, it had gaps for those seeking to prevent Battisti was extradited.
The simultaneity between crime and Sabbadin Torregiani demonstrates that a single design. But that should be tried
Baptists actually participated in the killing of Sabbadin. Initially, the repentant Mutti blamed Baptists have shot the butcher. Unfortunately for him, the militant PAC Diego Giacomin dissociated himself and revealed himself to have been to kill the shopkeeper. He made no other names. An accomplice, not mentioned by Mutti, was sentenced to life imprisonment. Now lives in France
However, what Cesare Battisti and others accused of the crime Torregiani was a regular process.
No, it was not, and prove it is quite simple. Because the process
Torregiani, then expanded to the whole story of the CAP, was not regular?
specify: was not adjusted, if not under the law of the distortions introduced by the so-called "emergency". In terms of general law, the process was flawed for at least three elements: the use of torture to extract confessions in pre-trial phase (2), the use of minors or witnesses with mental disorders, the multiplication of the charges under to statements by a repentant of uncertain reliability. Plus other minor elements.
Prosecutors arrested the tortured?
No. It was the police torture. There were thirteen complaints: eight from the defendants, five of their relatives. A fact not new, but certainly unusual so far, in an investigation of that type. Judges are limited to receiving complaints, and then store them.
Maybe dismissed because it had been real torture, but simply pressing a bit 'heavy on the defendants.
One of the most frequently reported cases was that the obligation to swallow water poured into the throat of the question, the whole pressure through a tube, while an agent in the affected knee in the stomach. They all had been made then to be stripped naked, wrapped in blankets because there remain signs and then beaten with fists or with sticks. Sometimes tied to a table or a bench.
If the judges gave no complaints, maybe it was because there was no evidence that this really happened.
fact, the deputy prosecutor Alfonso Marra instructed to report to the investigating magistrate Maurizio Grigo, declassified after the crimes committed by agents of the Digos from "injury" and "beatings" because no permanent marks on the body (in Italy there was no crime torture, and there is even now), concluded that the same charge of beating could not have followed, as the agents, only witnesses were not confirmed. For its part the PM Corrado Carnevale, owner of the process Torregiani, insinuated that the allegations of torture were a system adopted by the accused to delegitimize the entire investigation.
Nothing tells us that il PM Carnevali avesse torto.
Almeno un episodio non collima con la sua tesi. Il 25 febbraio 1979 l’imputato Sisinio Bitti denunciò al sostituto procuratore Armando Spataro le torture subite e ritrattò le confessioni rese durante l’interrogatorio. Tra l’altro, raccontò che un poliziotto, nel percuoterlo con un bastone, lo aveva incitato a denunciare un certo Angelo; al che lui aveva denunciato l’unico Angelo che conosceva, tale Angelo Franco. La ritrattazione di Bitti non fu creduta, e Angelo Franco, un operaio, fu arrestato quale partecipante all’attentato Torregiani. Solo che pochi giorni dopo lo si dovette rilasciare: non poteva in alcun modo avere preso parte all’agguato. Dunque la ritrattazione di Bitti era sincera, e dunque, con ogni probabilità, anche le violenze con cui la falsa confessione gli era stata estorta. Sisinio Bitti riportò lesioni permanenti ai timpani. Se le era procurate da solo?
Ammesso il ricorso alle sevizie in fase istruttoria, ciò non assolve Cesare Battisti.
No, però dà l’idea del tipo di processo in cui fu implicato. Definirlo “regolare” è a dir poco discutibile. Tra i testi a carico di alcuni imputati figurarono anche una ragazzina di quindici anni, Rita Vitrani, indotta a deporre contro lo zio; finché le contraddizioni e le ingenuità in cui incorse non fecero capire che era psicolabile (“ai limiti dell’imbecillità”, declared the experts) (3). Figure another witness, Walter Andreatta, who soon fell into confusion and was described as "unbalanced" and a victim of severe depression by the same experts of the court.
While acknowledging the precarious under investigation, one might consider that Cesare Battisti fails to defend. Almost an admission of guilt, although the first be silent, declared himself innocent.
may seem that way today, but not then. Quite the contrary. At that time, the militant armed groups called themselves political prisoners captured, and waived the defense because it did not recognize the "bourgeois justice." Baptists gave it up because he said to doubt the fairness of the process. Omit
violence and unreliable witnesses in the investigation stage, the process was, however, led to a fair conclusion.
Not really. Accused child were hit with disproportionate penalties. The above-mentioned Bitti, found innocent of any crime, was also sentenced to three and a half years in prison for being heard to approve, in a public place, the attack on Torregiani. He was fired the so-called "moral contest" to murder, directly inspired by the procedures of the Inquisition. The above-mentioned Angel Franco, a few days after his release, he was arrested again, this time for subversive association and sentenced to five years. That in the absence of other crimes, only because he was a frequenter of the collective self of Barona. According
Luciano Violante, a certain "hardness" was essential to stop terrorism. And Armando Spataro contends that, to this end, the aggravating circumstance of "terrorist purposes", which doubled the penalties, proved decisive weapon.
apart, even the lives of many young people, arrested on charges that will further increase exponentially in detention, despite the absence of bloody events.
This does not apply to Cesare Battisti, sentenced to life imprisonment for taking part a due omicidi ed eseguito altri due.
Di Torregiani e Sabbadin si è detto. Veniamo a Santoro e Campagna. Mutti accusa Battisti di essere l’omicida di Santoro, ma poi le prove lo costringono ad ammettere di essere stato lui, l’assassino. L’uccisione dell’agente Campagna avviene dopo che i PAC sono stati sciolti, e un gruppetto di quartiere ne perpetua le gesta. L’assassino si chiama Giuseppe Memeo, reo confesso. Ha sparato con la stessa pistola che aveva ucciso Torregiani. Mutti ne parla per sentito dire. Memeo aveva un complice biondo, altro 1,90. Battisti? Ne parleremo tra poco.
Al termine del processo di primo grado Battisti, arrestato in origine per imputazioni minori (possesso di armi, che peraltro turned out not to have ever shot), he found himself sentenced to twelve and a half years in prison. The life sentences came five years after his escape from prison. But there is time to speak of "repentance" and, above all, regretted that the main accused. Then the merits of the other three crimes.
Let's understand what a "penitent".
If we refer to the far-left groups, are these so called held for offenses linked to armed groups in exchange for substantial reduction of sentences, deny their experience and are willing to denounce fellow, contributing to their arrest and the dismantling organization. In fact, a figure like that already existed in the late '70s, but enters a stable legal order with the first "law Cossiga" No 02/06/1980 15, then the "repentance law" No 29/05/1982 304. Manifested the dangers inherent in its mechanism, both before and after this date.
What would be the "dangers"?
The logic of the rule meant that the "sorry" could count on shorter sentences tend to rise as more people complained, that, exhausted the pool of information in its possession, was forced to draw on assumptions and rumors here and there. Moreover, the retroactivity of the law urged to indiscriminate accusations even after many years after the case, when it was impossible material evidence.
There are examples of these perverse effects?
The most sensational case was that of Carlo Fioroni, who, threatened with life imprisonment for kidnapping for ransom of a friend, who died during the kidnapping, accused of complicity Toni Negri, Oreste Scalzone organization and other dignitaries Power Worker , reliefs for conviction. But other repentant, such as Marco Barbone (collaborator of newspapers right now), Antonio Savasta, Peter Mutti, Michael Viscardi, etc.. they continued for years to squeeze out the memory and distilled names. Each complaint was followed by arrests, the that the detention became a weapon of pressure for further repentance. Unfortunately, this has stirred up a scandal at a later time, when the logic of Repent, applied to the field of crime, the case provoked Tortora and other less known.
Pietro Mutti was the main accuser of Cesare Battisti. Who was he?
was, by his own confession, the founder of the PAC. Figured among the defendants in the trial Torregiani, although in hiding, and accuses him asked for eight years in prison. He was captured in 1982 (after the Baptists had already escaped), following the escape from prison in Rovigo, January 4 of that year, some militants of the Front Line. Mutti was among the organizers evasion. He had been a cellmate of Baptists, when he was in prison for common crimes, and author of its politicization (a role later claimed by the curiously dissociated Cavallina Arrigo).
What crimes Mutti, once repentant, accused Baptists?
Omitting minor offenses, for three murders. Baptists (with an accomplice and the same Mutti, who at first tried to deny his presence) would have directly killed, 6 June 1978, the marshal of the prison guards of Udine, Antonio Santoro, the PAC accused of mistreating prisoners. Would directly assassinated in Milan, April 19, 1979, the agent of Digos Andrea Campagna, who had participated in the first arrests related to the case Torregiani. Between the two crimes would take part, without firing directly but with the roles of coverage for the aforementioned murder of the butcher Lino Sabbadin of Santa Maria di Sala. All this has already been discussed.
Sabbadin Murder is among those mentioned as we talked about. In an interview with the French far-right group Bloc identity, the son of Lino Sabbadin, Adriano, said that the killers of his father would have been the accomplices of the robbers killed by them.
Or his answer was misinterpreted, or said something that does not result from any act. Better to ignore the statements of relatives of victims, la cui funzione, nel corso degli ultimi quattro anni, è stata essenzialmente spettacolare.
Cesare Battisti è colpevole o innocente dei tre omicidi di cui lo accusò Mutti?
Lui si dice innocente, anche se si fa carico della scelta sbagliata in direzione della violenza che, in quegli anni, coinvolse lui e tanti altri giovani. Qui però non è questione di stabilire l’innocenza o meno di Battisti. E’ invece questione di vedere se la sua colpevolezza fu mai veramente provata, nonché di verificare, a tal fine, se l’iter processuale che condusse alla sua condanna possa essere giudicato corretto. In caso contrario, non si spiegherebbe l’accanimento con cui il governo italiano, con il also support the opposition of illustrious names, tried to be returning from France and the first Baptists in Brazil today.
Apart from the allegations of Mutti, more evidence emerged against Baptists, for the crimes Santoro, Sabbadin (albeit in the role of coverage), and Country?
No. When judges speak today of "evidence", they refer the junction made between the various statements of regret (Mutti and other children) and the indirect evidence provided by "differentiated" type buck.
Armando Spataro continues to assert that there would be evidence and findings.
continues to say it, but never specified which ones. What is
"Dissociated"?
taking those distances armed organization to which he belonged and confess crimes and circumstances concerning him, but without accusing others. This implies a reduction of sentence, but obviously lower than that of a penitent.
In that sense, a dissociation may provide indirect clues?
For example, if claims not to have attended a meeting since it is contrary to some action that was planned there, without saying who was there. If in the meantime a turncoat said X participated in the meeting here that X automatically figure among the organizers.
What's wrong in this logic?
There is that both the complaint direct regretted that the evidence provided by dissociated, come from people lured by the promise of an easing of their detention. Their joint reading, due to lack of evidence, is made by the magistrate who chooses among various options. In addition, however, the repentant, that he who has more incentives to be decisive. This is done in other countries (not totalitarian) would be admitted at trial, and hearing stage for the confrontation with the accused. She would never be accepted by the probative value at trial. In Italy, yes.
If Baptists are other findings?
There are only a recognition of texts that the same prosecutor Armando Spataro has called insignificant.
yet he says that "the confessions of Mutti (...) have been validated by many subsequent statements and testimony of other former terrorists" (Il Corriere della Sera, January 23, 2009).
It is always Mutti and buck. As for text, suffice it to say that the killer had a beard Santoro (and here we are, Mutti speaks of a fake beard), was blond (Battisti could dye their hair) and was 1.90 higher (here there we are: Battisti slightly exceeds the 1, 60). But Peter repented
Mutti can not be considered credible? There is reason to assert that it is never fell under the "The more I confess, much less the rest in prison"?
emerges from the proceedings that led to a Supreme Court ruling of 1993. We quote verbatim:
"This repentance is a specialist in sleight of hand between his various accomplices, such as when introduced in the robbery Battisti Viale Fulvio Testi to save Falcone (...), or Lavazza or in place of Marco Bergamin Masala in two robberies Verona ".
Below:
"Moreover, Peter Mutti uses the weapon of lies also in its favor, as when it denies that it participated with the use of firearms, murder and the wounding of Rossanigo Santoro; for which was on the other hand was denounced by the Milan Digos and DC Udine. That's because his confessions can not be considered spontaneous. " We also realize that
Mutti, guilty of murder and robbery, spent only eight years in prison. A privilege shared with the murderer of Walter Tobagi (although that case, on which there are still many doubts, was taught by Armando Spataro), with its award-murderer Michael Viscomi and many other unrepentant.
There are other reasons to doubt the sincerity of Mutti? Yes
Allegations of Pietro Mutti is not unique to Baptists and the PAC, but it was 360 degrees, and be directed in various directions. He looked the most sensational l’OLP di Yasser Arafat, che avrebbe rifornito di armi le Brigate Rosse. In particolare, elencò Mutti, “tre fucili AK47, 20 granate a mano, due mitragliatrici FAL, tre revolver, una carabina per cecchini, 30 chilogrammi di esplosivo e 10.000 detonatori” (mica tanto, a ben vedere, a parte il numero incongruo dei detonatori; mancava solo che Arafat consegnasse una pistola ad aria compressa). Il procuratore Carlo Mastelloni poté, sulla base di questa preziosa rivelazione, aggiungere un fascicolo alla sua “inchiesta veneta” sui rapporti tra terroristi italiani e palestinesi, e chiamò persino in giudizio Yasser Arafat. Poi dovette archiviare il tutto, perché Arafat non venne e il resto si sgonfiò.
This has to do with the weapons, from the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, such a bargain in 1979 by Maurizio Follini, Armando Spataro said to have been a militant of the CAP? This was Follini
arms dealer and, according to some Soviet spy. He was brought up by Mutti, but in relation to other groups. Better to hang a veil. After you have noted, though, as the revelations of Mutti tended to delirium.
Mutti will not be trusted for other investigations, but nothing guarantees that, at least on the PAC, did not tell the truth.
Nothing tells us, in fact, if not a detail. In 1993, the Supreme Court has sent a co-defendant acquitted of Baptists (in crime Santoro), also reported by Mutti. I speak of 1993. For ten years, the judiciary had believed about him, allegations of repentance. This should speaks for itself.
Even if the process that led to the conviction of Cesare Battisti was flawed by irregularities and based on the testimony of repentant not credible, it is certain that Battisti was able to defend itself in subsequent proceedings.
Not so, at least for the appeal process in 1986, which changed the sentence of the first degree and sentenced him to life imprisonment. Battisti was then in Mexico and unaware of what was happening to his injury in Italy. The magistrate
Armando Spataro said that, as far escaped on its own initiative to the Italian justice, Battisti was able to defend themselves at all stages of legal process by which he appointed.
This is true only for the period in which Battisti was now in France, and is therefore essential to the process of Cassation, which took place in 1991. Does not apply to the process in 1986, which resulted in the ruling of the Court of Appeal of Milan on 24 June of that year. At that time, Baptists had no contact with either legal, paid for by family members or with the family members. This
he says so.
Be ', it tells the lawyer Giuseppe Pelazza of Milan, who took over the defense, and family members say. But certainly it is evidence of a party. The fact remains that Baptists had no comparison with the repentant Mutti who accused him. It was taken away to prison, agrees, but the objective fact is that he could not intervene in a case that his sentence be commuted to twelve years of two life sentences in prison (no other defendant in the trial had a similar conviction, including the murderers of Torregiani!), and attributed the performance of two murders, participation in various title with two others and wounding some sixty robberies (ie the entire activities of the CAP). This was and is permissible under Italian law, but not for the legislation of other countries, while providing for the conviction in absentia, requires the repetition of the process where the fugitive is caught. But Baptists
signed proxies to his lawyers, because it represented, he defaults.
E 'is ample evidence from expert witnesses, however, chosen from those of the Court of Paris, that the signatures were forged (perhaps for good). The delegates were white and were drawn up in 1981.
Battisti asserts his innocence, unless attributable to the PAC made smaller, without providing evidence.
But Baptists do not have to prove anything! The burden of proof lies with those who accuse him. As to the substance of the matter, let's recap: 1) stems from an investigation that confessions extracted by violent means, 2) a series of testimonies of items unable to age or mental faculties, 3) a disproportionately severe sentence, 4) an increase in the same sentence due to the appearance of a late "regretted" that rattles off accusations increasingly widespread and serious. All within the framework of legislation aimed at rapidly escalated and suffocation of a far-reaching social upheaval, the larger of the individual positions.
Nevertheless, much of the left has compact support in a magistrate Armando Spataro, and is unanimous in requesting the extradition to Brazil.
This is a problem of the left, in fact. One wonders whether it is aware of what is not the only Spataro, but other judges like him who were the protagonists of the repression of the 70s and early 80s, they think of cases of Adriano Sofri or Silvia Baraldini. I imagine - or perhaps hope - that many members of the "left" (let's call it that) it would remain a bit 'shaken. Not to mention the "active illness" (?) That Gerardo D'Ambrosio has attributed the death of Giuseppe Pinelli. Or the rebound of a projectile against a stone wheel that killed Carlo Giuliani. The denigration of the judiciary has its counterpart in the sanctification of the judiciary.
Needless to beat around the bush. Cesare Battisti has never expressed remorse.
The modern law - and I have already said - repress the unlawful conduct and ignores individual consciences. A claim was typical of any repentance or Vishinskij Torquemada. The rejection by the Baptists of the hypothesis of armed struggle is explicit in his novels and sentimental But caval The cargo, not translated in Italy. As a writer, is expressed through writing.
He even cheered when, in France, was temporarily released.
I would anyone. From
perfect cowardly evaded extradition and is fixed in Brazil, dove è andato a vivere nientemeno che a Copacabana.
Chi conosca Copacabana, sa che oltre la spiaggia e gli alberghi si estendono caseggiati popolari. Lì viveva Battisti. Ma adesso basta con queste stronzate. Battisti è stato tutto ciò che volete, salvo una cosa: non è mai stato ricco. Non è mai stato il prediletto dei salotti di cui favoleggia Panorama. Era il portinaio dello stabile in cui abitava. Si permetteva ogni tanto un caffè al bar di immigrati sotto casa.
Armando Spataro dice, sul numero citato del Corriere della Sera, che Battisti non è mai stato un criminale politico, bensì un delinquente comune, assetato di denaro.
Spataro sovrappone il percorso di Battisti prima della politicization, when he was just a thug in the suburbs, to the next. None of the actions attributed to him as a "terrorist", true or false, obeyed for personal gain. Battisti was an armed militant sectors of what was called "workers' autonomy." Everyone knows, including Spataro. Deny the political nature of his acts to induce the Brazilian government to grant the extradition is the most colossal lie that surround the story Battisti. A common criminal does not claim its affiliation to the "Armed Proletarians for Communism." Moreover, the fascists, the para-fascist, post-fascist Italy today's constantly citing his position as "communist" as aggravating. While the ex-communist manifest against Baptists same horror, saw that embodies the ideas that they have denied. There has never been the case more "political" by Valpreda today.
You can not dismiss the case, in a bar, a more complex problem.
Exactly. One can not dismiss it the more general problem of the exit, a good time since the emergency regime, with the aberrations introduced into Italian legal. But this may be the subject of another FAQ, which disregard the case so far treated. As for the accusers, who cry out loud "by the murderer!" observe their own hands. I am thoroughly stained with blood. Cheered things up a little, starting with the bombing of Belgrade, up to the massacres in Lebanon and Gaza. You are red in the applause from the "humanitarian missions" mixed by massacres. They gave the green light to the elimination of the weak social, labor market. Really, nowadays, the "enemies of humanity" are called Baptists or Petrella?
Cesare Battisti partecipò all’assalto al Transatlantico?
No. Nessuno ha mai asserito questo. Si trattò di un episodio di delinquenza comune.
Cesare Battisti partecipò all’uccisione di Torregiani?
No. Anche questa circostanza – affermata in un primo tempo – venne poi totalmente esclusa. Altrimenti sarebbe stato impossibile coinvolgerlo, come poi avvenne, killing the butcher Lino Sabbadin, which occurred in the province of Udine the same February 16, 1979, almost at the same time.
Yet it was hinted that Cesare Battisti had wounded one of the sons of Torregiani, Albert, then remained paraplegic.
It 'a fact that Alberto Torregiani was wounded accidentally by his father, in the firefight with the attackers.
media insist in pointing out how the killer Cesare Battisti Torregiani, often even say that he was hurt Alberto and reduce it in a wheelchair. Alberto does not adjust anything, not even for the sake of accuracy. Do not reply never even Spataro. Why?
This is inexplicable. The killers reali (Sebastiano Masala, Sante Fatone, Gabriele Grimaldi e Giuseppe Memeo) furono catturati poco tempo dopo l’agguato, e hanno scontato condanne più o meno lunghe.
Il procuratore Armando Spataro, ne Il Corriere della Sera del 23 gennaio 2008, dice che Battisti “giustiziò” Luigi Pietro Torregiani, reo di avere reagito con le armi a una rapina che aveva subito.
Anche questo è inspiegabile. La dinamica dei fatti è molto diversa, Spataro stesso la spiegò altre volte: Torregiani e un collega fecero fuoco, con revolver di grosso calibro, su chi stava rapinando la cassa del ristorante Transatlantico in cui cenavano con amici.
Perché dunque Cesare Battisti viene collegato Torregiani murder?
First, because, by his own admission, was part of the group that claimed responsibility for the attack, the Armed Proletarians for Communism. The same group that claimed responsibility for the attack Sabbadin.
What were the Armed Proletarians for Communism (PAC)?
One of the many armed groups resulting in the late '70s, the movement said Autonomy Workers, and dedicated to what they called "lawlessness" by the "expropriation" (banks, supermarkets) to retaliate against companies who organized black labor, to, more rarely, injury and murder.
PACs resembled the Red Brigades?
No. Like all independent groups not to point or building a new communist party, nor an immediate reversal of power. As trying to take control of the territory, moving the balance of power in favor of the lower classes, and particularly their youth members. This project, however one judges (certainly did not work), it coincided with that of BR.
Prosecutor Spataro said that the members of the PAC did not exceed thirty.
The suspects belong to the PAC were at least 60. The major component was represented by young workers. Followed unemployed teachers. The students were only three. The symbol CAP was still used by other groups. Thirty or sixty
makes little difference.
It does, however. Change the probability of participation in the general decisions of the organization, and also to actions by this project. Keep in mind that if the robberies are attributed to the CAP scores, the four murders. The direct participation in one of these becomes much less likely, if you double the number of staff.
Cesare Battisti was the leader of the PAC, or a leader?
No. This is a pure journalistic invention. Neither the record of the trial, nor any other evidence leads us to consider one of the leaders. Moreover, he had a past that - as a former thief and hoodlum O, devoid of ideological education - to enable him to play such a role. He was a militant of the many. In the case
Baptists, however, was judged among the "organizers" of the murder Torregiani. In
by deduction. According to Arrigo Cavallina dissociated, participated in meetings in which he had discussed the possible attack, without expressing the opposite view. Only with the arrival on the scene of repentance Mutti - after Battisti, sentenced to twelve and a half years, had escaped from prison and fled to Mexico - the accusation is accurate, but again by deduction. Since Battisti was accused by Mutti have played roles in the murder coverage Sabbadin, e poiché gli attentati Torregiani e Sabbadin erano chiaramente ispirati a una stessa strategia (colpire i negozianti che uccidevano i rapinatori), ecco che Battisti doveva essere per forza di cose tra gli “organizzatori” dell’agguato a Torregiani, pur senza avervi partecipato di persona.
Eppure, di tutti i crimini attribuiti a Battisti, quello cui si dà più rilievo è proprio il caso Torregiani.
Forse si prestava più degli altri a un uso “spettacolare” (si veda l’impiego ricorrente nei media di Alberto Torregiani, non sempre pronto, per motivi anche comprensibili, a rivelare chi lo ferì). O forse – visto chi ci governa e le proposte formulate some years ago by the Minister Castelli, in terms of self-defense by the merchants - the episode was better able to do certain strings vibrate nell'elettorato reference.
However, those who defend Battisti has often played the card of "simultaneity" between the crime and the Torregiani Sabbadin, while Baptists have been accused of "organized" the first and "executed" the second.
This is due to the ambiguity of the very first request for the extradition of Battisti (1991), the contradictory information provided by newspapers (number and quality of crimes vary from test to test), the silence of those who knew. Do not forget Armando Spataro has provided details on the case - indeed, a number of details - only after the campaign for Cesare Battisti had started to challenge the way the investigation and trial were conducted. Nor should we forget that the Italian government decided to refer to French judges, on the eve of the session that was to decide the new request for extradition of Cesare Battisti, 800 pages of documents. It 'easy to infer that he considered the inadequate documentation produced to date. A fortiori, it had gaps for those seeking to prevent Battisti was extradited.
The simultaneity between crime and Sabbadin Torregiani demonstrates that a single design. But that should be tried
Baptists actually participated in the killing of Sabbadin. Initially, the repentant Mutti blamed Baptists have shot the butcher. Unfortunately for him, the militant PAC Diego Giacomin dissociated himself and revealed himself to have been to kill the shopkeeper. He made no other names. An accomplice, not mentioned by Mutti, was sentenced to life imprisonment. Now lives in France
However, what Cesare Battisti and others accused of the crime Torregiani was a regular process.
No, it was not, and prove it is quite simple. Because the process
Torregiani, then expanded to the whole story of the CAP, was not regular?
specify: was not adjusted, if not under the law of the distortions introduced by the so-called "emergency". In terms of general law, the process was flawed for at least three elements: the use of torture to extract confessions in pre-trial phase (2), the use of minors or witnesses with mental disorders, the multiplication of the charges under to statements by a repentant of uncertain reliability. Plus other minor elements.
Prosecutors arrested the tortured?
No. It was the police torture. There were thirteen complaints: eight from the defendants, five of their relatives. A fact not new, but certainly unusual so far, in an investigation of that type. Judges are limited to receiving complaints, and then store them.
Maybe dismissed because it had been real torture, but simply pressing a bit 'heavy on the defendants.
One of the most frequently reported cases was that the obligation to swallow water poured into the throat of the question, the whole pressure through a tube, while an agent in the affected knee in the stomach. They all had been made then to be stripped naked, wrapped in blankets because there remain signs and then beaten with fists or with sticks. Sometimes tied to a table or a bench.
If the judges gave no complaints, maybe it was because there was no evidence that this really happened.
fact, the deputy prosecutor Alfonso Marra instructed to report to the investigating magistrate Maurizio Grigo, declassified after the crimes committed by agents of the Digos from "injury" and "beatings" because no permanent marks on the body (in Italy there was no crime torture, and there is even now), concluded that the same charge of beating could not have followed, as the agents, only witnesses were not confirmed. For its part the PM Corrado Carnevale, owner of the process Torregiani, insinuated that the allegations of torture were a system adopted by the accused to delegitimize the entire investigation.
Nothing tells us that il PM Carnevali avesse torto.
Almeno un episodio non collima con la sua tesi. Il 25 febbraio 1979 l’imputato Sisinio Bitti denunciò al sostituto procuratore Armando Spataro le torture subite e ritrattò le confessioni rese durante l’interrogatorio. Tra l’altro, raccontò che un poliziotto, nel percuoterlo con un bastone, lo aveva incitato a denunciare un certo Angelo; al che lui aveva denunciato l’unico Angelo che conosceva, tale Angelo Franco. La ritrattazione di Bitti non fu creduta, e Angelo Franco, un operaio, fu arrestato quale partecipante all’attentato Torregiani. Solo che pochi giorni dopo lo si dovette rilasciare: non poteva in alcun modo avere preso parte all’agguato. Dunque la ritrattazione di Bitti era sincera, e dunque, con ogni probabilità, anche le violenze con cui la falsa confessione gli era stata estorta. Sisinio Bitti riportò lesioni permanenti ai timpani. Se le era procurate da solo?
Ammesso il ricorso alle sevizie in fase istruttoria, ciò non assolve Cesare Battisti.
No, però dà l’idea del tipo di processo in cui fu implicato. Definirlo “regolare” è a dir poco discutibile. Tra i testi a carico di alcuni imputati figurarono anche una ragazzina di quindici anni, Rita Vitrani, indotta a deporre contro lo zio; finché le contraddizioni e le ingenuità in cui incorse non fecero capire che era psicolabile (“ai limiti dell’imbecillità”, declared the experts) (3). Figure another witness, Walter Andreatta, who soon fell into confusion and was described as "unbalanced" and a victim of severe depression by the same experts of the court.
While acknowledging the precarious under investigation, one might consider that Cesare Battisti fails to defend. Almost an admission of guilt, although the first be silent, declared himself innocent.
may seem that way today, but not then. Quite the contrary. At that time, the militant armed groups called themselves political prisoners captured, and waived the defense because it did not recognize the "bourgeois justice." Baptists gave it up because he said to doubt the fairness of the process. Omit
violence and unreliable witnesses in the investigation stage, the process was, however, led to a fair conclusion.
Not really. Accused child were hit with disproportionate penalties. The above-mentioned Bitti, found innocent of any crime, was also sentenced to three and a half years in prison for being heard to approve, in a public place, the attack on Torregiani. He was fired the so-called "moral contest" to murder, directly inspired by the procedures of the Inquisition. The above-mentioned Angel Franco, a few days after his release, he was arrested again, this time for subversive association and sentenced to five years. That in the absence of other crimes, only because he was a frequenter of the collective self of Barona. According
Luciano Violante, a certain "hardness" was essential to stop terrorism. And Armando Spataro contends that, to this end, the aggravating circumstance of "terrorist purposes", which doubled the penalties, proved decisive weapon.
apart, even the lives of many young people, arrested on charges that will further increase exponentially in detention, despite the absence of bloody events.
This does not apply to Cesare Battisti, sentenced to life imprisonment for taking part a due omicidi ed eseguito altri due.
Di Torregiani e Sabbadin si è detto. Veniamo a Santoro e Campagna. Mutti accusa Battisti di essere l’omicida di Santoro, ma poi le prove lo costringono ad ammettere di essere stato lui, l’assassino. L’uccisione dell’agente Campagna avviene dopo che i PAC sono stati sciolti, e un gruppetto di quartiere ne perpetua le gesta. L’assassino si chiama Giuseppe Memeo, reo confesso. Ha sparato con la stessa pistola che aveva ucciso Torregiani. Mutti ne parla per sentito dire. Memeo aveva un complice biondo, altro 1,90. Battisti? Ne parleremo tra poco.
Al termine del processo di primo grado Battisti, arrestato in origine per imputazioni minori (possesso di armi, che peraltro turned out not to have ever shot), he found himself sentenced to twelve and a half years in prison. The life sentences came five years after his escape from prison. But there is time to speak of "repentance" and, above all, regretted that the main accused. Then the merits of the other three crimes.
Let's understand what a "penitent".
If we refer to the far-left groups, are these so called held for offenses linked to armed groups in exchange for substantial reduction of sentences, deny their experience and are willing to denounce fellow, contributing to their arrest and the dismantling organization. In fact, a figure like that already existed in the late '70s, but enters a stable legal order with the first "law Cossiga" No 02/06/1980 15, then the "repentance law" No 29/05/1982 304. Manifested the dangers inherent in its mechanism, both before and after this date.
What would be the "dangers"?
The logic of the rule meant that the "sorry" could count on shorter sentences tend to rise as more people complained, that, exhausted the pool of information in its possession, was forced to draw on assumptions and rumors here and there. Moreover, the retroactivity of the law urged to indiscriminate accusations even after many years after the case, when it was impossible material evidence.
There are examples of these perverse effects?
The most sensational case was that of Carlo Fioroni, who, threatened with life imprisonment for kidnapping for ransom of a friend, who died during the kidnapping, accused of complicity Toni Negri, Oreste Scalzone organization and other dignitaries Power Worker , reliefs for conviction. But other repentant, such as Marco Barbone (collaborator of newspapers right now), Antonio Savasta, Peter Mutti, Michael Viscardi, etc.. they continued for years to squeeze out the memory and distilled names. Each complaint was followed by arrests, the that the detention became a weapon of pressure for further repentance. Unfortunately, this has stirred up a scandal at a later time, when the logic of Repent, applied to the field of crime, the case provoked Tortora and other less known.
Pietro Mutti was the main accuser of Cesare Battisti. Who was he?
was, by his own confession, the founder of the PAC. Figured among the defendants in the trial Torregiani, although in hiding, and accuses him asked for eight years in prison. He was captured in 1982 (after the Baptists had already escaped), following the escape from prison in Rovigo, January 4 of that year, some militants of the Front Line. Mutti was among the organizers evasion. He had been a cellmate of Baptists, when he was in prison for common crimes, and author of its politicization (a role later claimed by the curiously dissociated Cavallina Arrigo).
What crimes Mutti, once repentant, accused Baptists?
Omitting minor offenses, for three murders. Baptists (with an accomplice and the same Mutti, who at first tried to deny his presence) would have directly killed, 6 June 1978, the marshal of the prison guards of Udine, Antonio Santoro, the PAC accused of mistreating prisoners. Would directly assassinated in Milan, April 19, 1979, the agent of Digos Andrea Campagna, who had participated in the first arrests related to the case Torregiani. Between the two crimes would take part, without firing directly but with the roles of coverage for the aforementioned murder of the butcher Lino Sabbadin of Santa Maria di Sala. All this has already been discussed.
Sabbadin Murder is among those mentioned as we talked about. In an interview with the French far-right group Bloc identity, the son of Lino Sabbadin, Adriano, said that the killers of his father would have been the accomplices of the robbers killed by them.
Or his answer was misinterpreted, or said something that does not result from any act. Better to ignore the statements of relatives of victims, la cui funzione, nel corso degli ultimi quattro anni, è stata essenzialmente spettacolare.
Cesare Battisti è colpevole o innocente dei tre omicidi di cui lo accusò Mutti?
Lui si dice innocente, anche se si fa carico della scelta sbagliata in direzione della violenza che, in quegli anni, coinvolse lui e tanti altri giovani. Qui però non è questione di stabilire l’innocenza o meno di Battisti. E’ invece questione di vedere se la sua colpevolezza fu mai veramente provata, nonché di verificare, a tal fine, se l’iter processuale che condusse alla sua condanna possa essere giudicato corretto. In caso contrario, non si spiegherebbe l’accanimento con cui il governo italiano, con il also support the opposition of illustrious names, tried to be returning from France and the first Baptists in Brazil today.
Apart from the allegations of Mutti, more evidence emerged against Baptists, for the crimes Santoro, Sabbadin (albeit in the role of coverage), and Country?
No. When judges speak today of "evidence", they refer the junction made between the various statements of regret (Mutti and other children) and the indirect evidence provided by "differentiated" type buck.
Armando Spataro continues to assert that there would be evidence and findings.
continues to say it, but never specified which ones. What is
"Dissociated"?
taking those distances armed organization to which he belonged and confess crimes and circumstances concerning him, but without accusing others. This implies a reduction of sentence, but obviously lower than that of a penitent.
In that sense, a dissociation may provide indirect clues?
For example, if claims not to have attended a meeting since it is contrary to some action that was planned there, without saying who was there. If in the meantime a turncoat said X participated in the meeting here that X automatically figure among the organizers.
What's wrong in this logic?
There is that both the complaint direct regretted that the evidence provided by dissociated, come from people lured by the promise of an easing of their detention. Their joint reading, due to lack of evidence, is made by the magistrate who chooses among various options. In addition, however, the repentant, that he who has more incentives to be decisive. This is done in other countries (not totalitarian) would be admitted at trial, and hearing stage for the confrontation with the accused. She would never be accepted by the probative value at trial. In Italy, yes.
If Baptists are other findings?
There are only a recognition of texts that the same prosecutor Armando Spataro has called insignificant.
yet he says that "the confessions of Mutti (...) have been validated by many subsequent statements and testimony of other former terrorists" (Il Corriere della Sera, January 23, 2009).
It is always Mutti and buck. As for text, suffice it to say that the killer had a beard Santoro (and here we are, Mutti speaks of a fake beard), was blond (Battisti could dye their hair) and was 1.90 higher (here there we are: Battisti slightly exceeds the 1, 60). But Peter repented
Mutti can not be considered credible? There is reason to assert that it is never fell under the "The more I confess, much less the rest in prison"?
emerges from the proceedings that led to a Supreme Court ruling of 1993. We quote verbatim:
"This repentance is a specialist in sleight of hand between his various accomplices, such as when introduced in the robbery Battisti Viale Fulvio Testi to save Falcone (...), or Lavazza or in place of Marco Bergamin Masala in two robberies Verona ".
Below:
"Moreover, Peter Mutti uses the weapon of lies also in its favor, as when it denies that it participated with the use of firearms, murder and the wounding of Rossanigo Santoro; for which was on the other hand was denounced by the Milan Digos and DC Udine. That's because his confessions can not be considered spontaneous. " We also realize that
Mutti, guilty of murder and robbery, spent only eight years in prison. A privilege shared with the murderer of Walter Tobagi (although that case, on which there are still many doubts, was taught by Armando Spataro), with its award-murderer Michael Viscomi and many other unrepentant.
There are other reasons to doubt the sincerity of Mutti? Yes
Allegations of Pietro Mutti is not unique to Baptists and the PAC, but it was 360 degrees, and be directed in various directions. He looked the most sensational l’OLP di Yasser Arafat, che avrebbe rifornito di armi le Brigate Rosse. In particolare, elencò Mutti, “tre fucili AK47, 20 granate a mano, due mitragliatrici FAL, tre revolver, una carabina per cecchini, 30 chilogrammi di esplosivo e 10.000 detonatori” (mica tanto, a ben vedere, a parte il numero incongruo dei detonatori; mancava solo che Arafat consegnasse una pistola ad aria compressa). Il procuratore Carlo Mastelloni poté, sulla base di questa preziosa rivelazione, aggiungere un fascicolo alla sua “inchiesta veneta” sui rapporti tra terroristi italiani e palestinesi, e chiamò persino in giudizio Yasser Arafat. Poi dovette archiviare il tutto, perché Arafat non venne e il resto si sgonfiò.
This has to do with the weapons, from the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, such a bargain in 1979 by Maurizio Follini, Armando Spataro said to have been a militant of the CAP? This was Follini
arms dealer and, according to some Soviet spy. He was brought up by Mutti, but in relation to other groups. Better to hang a veil. After you have noted, though, as the revelations of Mutti tended to delirium.
Mutti will not be trusted for other investigations, but nothing guarantees that, at least on the PAC, did not tell the truth.
Nothing tells us, in fact, if not a detail. In 1993, the Supreme Court has sent a co-defendant acquitted of Baptists (in crime Santoro), also reported by Mutti. I speak of 1993. For ten years, the judiciary had believed about him, allegations of repentance. This should speaks for itself.
Even if the process that led to the conviction of Cesare Battisti was flawed by irregularities and based on the testimony of repentant not credible, it is certain that Battisti was able to defend itself in subsequent proceedings.
Not so, at least for the appeal process in 1986, which changed the sentence of the first degree and sentenced him to life imprisonment. Battisti was then in Mexico and unaware of what was happening to his injury in Italy. The magistrate
Armando Spataro said that, as far escaped on its own initiative to the Italian justice, Battisti was able to defend themselves at all stages of legal process by which he appointed.
This is true only for the period in which Battisti was now in France, and is therefore essential to the process of Cassation, which took place in 1991. Does not apply to the process in 1986, which resulted in the ruling of the Court of Appeal of Milan on 24 June of that year. At that time, Baptists had no contact with either legal, paid for by family members or with the family members. This
he says so.
Be ', it tells the lawyer Giuseppe Pelazza of Milan, who took over the defense, and family members say. But certainly it is evidence of a party. The fact remains that Baptists had no comparison with the repentant Mutti who accused him. It was taken away to prison, agrees, but the objective fact is that he could not intervene in a case that his sentence be commuted to twelve years of two life sentences in prison (no other defendant in the trial had a similar conviction, including the murderers of Torregiani!), and attributed the performance of two murders, participation in various title with two others and wounding some sixty robberies (ie the entire activities of the CAP). This was and is permissible under Italian law, but not for the legislation of other countries, while providing for the conviction in absentia, requires the repetition of the process where the fugitive is caught. But Baptists
signed proxies to his lawyers, because it represented, he defaults.
E 'is ample evidence from expert witnesses, however, chosen from those of the Court of Paris, that the signatures were forged (perhaps for good). The delegates were white and were drawn up in 1981.
Battisti asserts his innocence, unless attributable to the PAC made smaller, without providing evidence.
But Baptists do not have to prove anything! The burden of proof lies with those who accuse him. As to the substance of the matter, let's recap: 1) stems from an investigation that confessions extracted by violent means, 2) a series of testimonies of items unable to age or mental faculties, 3) a disproportionately severe sentence, 4) an increase in the same sentence due to the appearance of a late "regretted" that rattles off accusations increasingly widespread and serious. All within the framework of legislation aimed at rapidly escalated and suffocation of a far-reaching social upheaval, the larger of the individual positions.
Nevertheless, much of the left has compact support in a magistrate Armando Spataro, and is unanimous in requesting the extradition to Brazil.
This is a problem of the left, in fact. One wonders whether it is aware of what is not the only Spataro, but other judges like him who were the protagonists of the repression of the 70s and early 80s, they think of cases of Adriano Sofri or Silvia Baraldini. I imagine - or perhaps hope - that many members of the "left" (let's call it that) it would remain a bit 'shaken. Not to mention the "active illness" (?) That Gerardo D'Ambrosio has attributed the death of Giuseppe Pinelli. Or the rebound of a projectile against a stone wheel that killed Carlo Giuliani. The denigration of the judiciary has its counterpart in the sanctification of the judiciary.
Needless to beat around the bush. Cesare Battisti has never expressed remorse.
The modern law - and I have already said - repress the unlawful conduct and ignores individual consciences. A claim was typical of any repentance or Vishinskij Torquemada. The rejection by the Baptists of the hypothesis of armed struggle is explicit in his novels and sentimental But caval The cargo, not translated in Italy. As a writer, is expressed through writing.
He even cheered when, in France, was temporarily released.
I would anyone. From
perfect cowardly evaded extradition and is fixed in Brazil, dove è andato a vivere nientemeno che a Copacabana.
Chi conosca Copacabana, sa che oltre la spiaggia e gli alberghi si estendono caseggiati popolari. Lì viveva Battisti. Ma adesso basta con queste stronzate. Battisti è stato tutto ciò che volete, salvo una cosa: non è mai stato ricco. Non è mai stato il prediletto dei salotti di cui favoleggia Panorama. Era il portinaio dello stabile in cui abitava. Si permetteva ogni tanto un caffè al bar di immigrati sotto casa.
Armando Spataro dice, sul numero citato del Corriere della Sera, che Battisti non è mai stato un criminale politico, bensì un delinquente comune, assetato di denaro.
Spataro sovrappone il percorso di Battisti prima della politicization, when he was just a thug in the suburbs, to the next. None of the actions attributed to him as a "terrorist", true or false, obeyed for personal gain. Battisti was an armed militant sectors of what was called "workers' autonomy." Everyone knows, including Spataro. Deny the political nature of his acts to induce the Brazilian government to grant the extradition is the most colossal lie that surround the story Battisti. A common criminal does not claim its affiliation to the "Armed Proletarians for Communism." Moreover, the fascists, the para-fascist, post-fascist Italy today's constantly citing his position as "communist" as aggravating. While the ex-communist manifest against Baptists same horror, saw that embodies the ideas that they have denied. There has never been the case more "political" by Valpreda today.
You can not dismiss the case, in a bar, a more complex problem.
Exactly. One can not dismiss it the more general problem of the exit, a good time since the emergency regime, with the aberrations introduced into Italian legal. But this may be the subject of another FAQ, which disregard the case so far treated. As for the accusers, who cry out loud "by the murderer!" observe their own hands. I am thoroughly stained with blood. Cheered things up a little, starting with the bombing of Belgrade, up to the massacres in Lebanon and Gaza. You are red in the applause from the "humanitarian missions" mixed by massacres. They gave the green light to the elimination of the weak social, labor market. Really, nowadays, the "enemies of humanity" are called Baptists or Petrella?
NOTES 1) See I. Mereu, Story of intolerance in Europe. Discipline and Punish, the Inquisition as a model of legal violence, Bompiani, 1988.
2) The use of torture, trials the terrorists left in the late seventies and eighties, are now carefully documented in the book The torture surfaced, et al. Project Memory, ed. Sensitive to the leaves, 1998.
3) On January 25, 2009, the Panorama reporter Amadori, after consultation with the family, calls into question the fragility of memory of Rita Vetrana - called to testify, her minor, against her uncle. The reports of the experts, not contestable, are reported verbatim in L. Grimaldi, the investigation process, Milano Libri, Milano, 1981.
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