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Tutti a dire della rabbia del fiume in piena e nessuno della violenza degli argini che lo costingono. [Bertolt Brecht]

That the vote of confidence of 14 we would have entered a new phase was easily predictable. As was antidemocratic predictable response ( but there really is democracy? ) of the government having even less topics than usual - not that he has so many people in general - the golden rule applies to any form of authority and repression.
is in this light that the Interior Minister Maroni, embarked on by the undersecretary Alfredo Mantovano, said he was possible towards the extension of DASPO. (acronym for ban on access to sporting events ) even at protests like those that we are witnessing (and participating) in recent days.
" measure to prevent atypical features and applicability to certain categories of people who find themselves in difficult situations symptomatic of their danger to public order and public safety with reference to the places where you play certain sporting events, or those specifically mentioned, are interested in parking, transit or transport of those assisting or participating in the competitions themselves .(...) The DASPO. may also be imposed against persons under 18 who have completed their fourteenth year of age (in this case, the ban has been served on those who exercise parental authority) "says the National Observatory on Sports Events of the Ministry Interior.

Repression me certainly surprising, and not because - to use a slogan so dear to a certain political party - would under "dictatorship", but simply because the prosecution is just one of many forms of expression which manifests the exploitation of man by man, conditio sine qua non of a social structure composed of non-equal as ours. So until you decide on a drastic change of the whole system (what better time than this?) Repression, as well as exploitation and any form of unequal continue to exist.
What amazes me, positively, is that finally we are starting to realize that our country has a habit erecting statues (paper mache) to heroes (paper, to use the title of a book by Alessandro Dal Lago) just because people go up to the headlines that say exactly those words that people want the CD to hear.

happened a few years ago with Antonio Di Pietro, Beppe Grillo then and now mr. "I go away or else?" Saviano, who these days has sent a letter - use the first person plural because student and why the rallies have been there too - saying, in essence, that we should go to us by the police beatings order and without any protection, because the helmets, scarves (or more often le kefieh) con cui filtrare gli urticanti sarebbero materiale da ragazzi che « finito il videogame a casa, continuano a giocarci per strada ». Forse Saviano la piazza – quella vera, non quella di suoi fans – l'ha vista ben poco, preso com'era a firmare contratti con Endemol e Mondadori o a portare in promozione il suo romanzo, perché altrimenti lo saprebbe perché non si va ad un corteo senza protezioni: « Quando Saviano invita a non mettersi il casco e sfilare a volto scoperto ignora, non si sa se per scarsa conoscenza o per malafede, le centinaia di manifestazioni pacifiche nelle quali su quelle stesse teste scoperte sono calati pesantemente i manganelli della repressione. Non avevano i volti coperti quelli massacrati alla Diaz e a Bolzaneto e nemmeno quelli che pochi giorni fa sono stati caricati e arrestati mentre solidarizzavano a Brescia con gli immigrati costretti a salire su una gru per rendere visibile al mondo la propria condizione insostenibile. Perciò quando vediamo dei caschi in un corteo non pensiamo a dei vigliacchi che hanno paura di mostrare il volto, ma solo a una legittima forma di autodifesa dei movimenti di fronte alla repressione. Se Saviano ha i suoi motivi per chiamare i carabinieri della sua scorta “i miei ragazzi”, non ne hanno altrettanti Carlo Giuliani o Stefano Cucchi. È una questione di percorsi di vita e talvolta di morte » ha risposto la 99 Posse, che per storia e “curriculum” ha ben altra autorevolezza on this issue, one of the many comment letters to that of the Neapolitan writer. Prince

But back to the topic of this post.
You know "Minority Report," the 2002 film in which he feared a world without murder (viewed from the opposite side: a preventive justice)? Evidently, these days our politicians should have reviewed the DVD, since the idea of \u200b\u200bpreventive punishment "troublemakers" from the square seems to be taken from that very film. As explained to us yesterday about Paolo Persichetti Liberation - another of squares and militancy that they will be much more than Saviano - " the DASPO. would apply to anyone who had previous complaints in corso, in sostanza interverrebbero prima del giudizio finale manifestandosi come una sanzione amministrativa anticipata prim'ancora che la colpevolezza venisse penalmente accertata ».
Già, perché il D.A.SPO. ha una particolarità: per farlo scattare basta una semplice denuncia, per cui sarebbe estremamente semplice stringere le maglie repressive intorno ad eventuali capi-rivolta, facinorosi o semplici rompiscatole, cioè quei soggetti che verranno di volta in volta identificati come “devianti”, cioè come coloro che – in una massa di manifestanti pacifici (che magari sarebbe meglio rimanessero a casa a studiare o guardare la televisione) – si prodigheranno nel «prendere in ostaggio al fine scar of a city, hit the buildings of democracy, the attack of police men. A minority made up of professionals of violence, unrelated to the reasons for the protest and not be expected to miss the next opportunity to dissent, to impose a climate of tension and violence. " The minister then called the offensive allegations about the presence of undercover officers (see under: doctrine Kossiga) during the demonstrations. A pathetically comical scene - worthy of the cine-panettone propinano us at this time - it was then when we had dedicated himself to ensuring that the soldiers in uniform turned the gun, not to have them fooled by the protesters. If, by chance, were also " escape the dead 'well, you can always blame a fortuitous bounce right?

The problem therefore is to keep away from the square in the violent. From here I question arises: why you continue to send the police? I mean, what's most violent of the "physical or moral coercion carried from one person to another in order to induce him to commit acts that otherwise would not have made [definition of the term" violence "by the Zingarelli 2007], and So what could be more violent than forcing people to take to the streets? Why are they forced the police, but we are forced to take to the streets too. We see students who come to us in our future prospects of life in the project and dreams went up in smoke for a stroke of a pen; precarious that we spend our lives doing competitions because we do not belong to any one baron, and we workers, forced to work under the layoff or starvation wages for a worker east coast half and expects fewer guarantees.
What could be more violent than a handful of the few "elect" that, by the heat of their pews repaired well, have fun watching other people - those without rights and without warranties - slaughtering each other as well as the emperors of old in the Roman Coliseum?

In an old book ("peace by peaceful means " 2000), The Norwegian sociologist - and father of peace studies - Johan Galtung explains the forms of violence in a geometric way: there is a triangle of violence to which the angle found direct violence (verbal or physical body, the mind or the spirit), the structural violence (political, which is exercised in the repression, economic exploitation that produces) and cultural violence (ie, religious and / or ideological, which is used for justify the other two forms).

Interestingly, there are troubles to expose the danger of the first form of violence - the direct - that is the most visible but also the most marginal, and no one poses the problem of analyzing the causes that lead to its use, which would then go to the top of the structural analysis of violence.

is interesting to note another thing: that as the solution to repression is justified on both sides of Parliament. If it is not new that repression is the reply from the Parliamentary hemicycle which follows the values \u200b\u200bof right, that makes me think is that the same emphasis there is on the other hand, those who - at least in theory - you should redo the values \u200b\u200bof the left and then again more in theory, do not say at the forefront of fighting, but at least at the side of workers, students and researchers. Besides, in this case there is nothing new under the sun as it did in the '70s with the PCI - by definition, the party appointed to represent workers in court instances - which supported the repression of those who took to the streets (icd "extremists") in order to ensnare the moderate votes, and is today the Democratic Party, to legitimize his move to the center (and thus, in this case, increase their constituencies to the moderates) will host among repressors. But then another non-news is just the increasing separation between "the Palace" and the square, between those who must unravel a thousand adventures to make ends meet and who receives a salary not to appear on your workplace. We

- definition from school - that the companies are based on maintaining a balance which in turn derives from social conflict. The Norwegian political scientist and sociologist Stein Rokkan in the 70 takes the moves from here to its genetic perspective, in which outlines the four social divisions (cleavages i) on which the parties would have formed so far known:

• the gap between center and periphery, giving rise to the mobilization of national and regional movements (Think of such phenomena as the regionalist movement in Northern Ireland or the Basque country. For the Northern League's speech is a bit 'different religious ...);
• the fracture (ie the split between Catholics and Protestants) that , depending on the dominance of one of the confessions, it becomes the rift between church and state that tends to be channeled on issues related to the education system (and its attempt to replace the rule of symbols and educational values \u200b\u200bto a certain time monopolized by 'ecclesial institution and education);
• the gap between town and country;
• the gulf between capital and labor, the gulf between the working class and the bourgeoisie that has been the gap between the middle nineteenth century and the Second World War.

Is it too much to define in terms of "fracture" - as outlined by Stein Rokkan - even the conflict between the Palace (that is, the Aristotelian oligarchy) and the square. To stay within the definition of cleavages, that we need a movement - beyond those that currently have proved to be inadequate - which, by welding instances students, workers and other marginalized present today, will establish itself as a movement of civil disobedience ?

"Civil disobedience becomes a sacred duty when the State becomes despotic or, which is the same thing, corrupt. And a citizen who come to terms with such a state takes part of its corruption and its dispotism or '.

[Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi]

Good resistance in this precarious existence.

Documents:

• "Letter to the children of the movement" by Roberto Saviano [ http://www.repubblica.it/scuola/2010/12/16/news/lettera_saviano-10251124/?ref = HRER3 -1]
• "The helmet will save your life. Saviano and considerations on the sua lettera al movimento degli studenti" di 99 Posse [ http://www.girodivite.it/I-99-Posse-rispondono-a-Saviano.html ]
• "Cortei del movimento sotto attacco. Daspo e reparti speciali, lo Stato fa la guerra alla piazza" di Paolo Persichetti [ http://insorgenze.wordpress.com/2010/12/19/cortei-del-movimento-sotto-attacco-daspo-e-reparti-speciali-lo-stato-fa-la-guerra-alla-piazza/ ]